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towns (Arezzo, CoUe di Val d'Elsa, and San Gemini-
ano) declared themselves independent; Pistoia joined
with Pisa; ( )ttaviano de' Belforti was lord of Volterra.
There was now an interval of peace, during which the
greater guilds (known as the popolo grasso) strove
gradually to restrict the rights of the lesser guilds,
which in the end found themselves shut out from all
public offices. Aided by the populace they threat-
ened rebellion, and secured thus the abolition of the
more onerous laws.
It was now the turn of the humblest classes, hith- erto without political rights. Clearly they had reaped no advantage from their support of the small bour- geoisie, and so they resolved to resort to arms in their own behalf. Thus came about the revolution of the Ciompi (1378), so called from the wool carders {ciompi), who under Michele di Lando seized the palace of the Signoria, and proclaimed their leader gonjalon- iere di giufttizia. They instituted three new guilds in which all artisans were to be in- scribed, and which had equal civil rights with the other guilds. Mich- ele, fearing that the popular tumult would end in a restoration of the Signoria,%vent over to the burgesses; after a sanguinary conflict the Ciompi were put to flight. The rich burgesses were now more Flohe.nce fi™'y established than before, which did not remove the discontent of the lesser guilds and the populace. This deep discontent was the source of the brilliant fortune of Giovanni de' Medici, son of Bicei, the richest of the Florentine bankers.
Apropos of this world-famous name it may be said here that the scope of this article permits only a brief reference to the great influence of medieval Florence as an industrial, commercial, and financial centre. In the woollen industry it was easily foremost, particu- larly in the dyeing and final preparation of the manu- factured goods. Its banking houses were famous through all Europe, and had for clients not only a multitude of private individuals, but also kings and popes. As financial agents of the latter, the merca- tores papce, the Florentines were to be found in all the chief national centres, and exercised no little influence. (See H. de B. Gibbins, " History of Commerce in Europe", London, 1892; Peruzzi, "Storia del com- mercio e dei banchieri di Firenze in tutto il mondo da 1200 fino a 1345", Florence, 1868; Toniolo, "Dei rimoti fattori della potenza economica di Firenze nel medio evo", Milan, 1882; G. Buonazia, "L'arte della lana" in "Nuova Antologia", 1870, XIII, 327-425.) To take up the thread of our narrative, several events of interest had meanwhile occurred. In 1355 Emperor Charles III appeared before Florence. The city had become more cautious as it grew in wealth and did not, therefore, venture to resist him; it seemed wiser to purchase, with gold and a nominal submission, entailing as few obligations as possible, present security and actual independence. The citi- zens swore allegiance on the understanding that the emperor would ratify the laws made or to be made in Florence; that the members of the Signoria (elected by the citizen.s) should be, ipm futio, vicars imperial; that neither the emperor himself nor any envoy of his should enter the town; that he should be content with
B.\PnSTERY OF S. GlOVAN>
the payment of 100,000 florins, in lieu of all past
claims (regalia), and a promise of 4000 florins annually
tluring his life. The Florentines could hardly ask
more complete autonomy. The populace, it is true,
opposed even this nominal submission, but it was ex-
plained to them that their liberties were untouched.
In 1360 Volterra returned again to Florence, and war •
with Pisa followed. Pisa sought the help of Bernab6
Visconti; after a prolonged conflict the Florentines
won the decisive battle of San Savino (1364), and
peace was declared. In 1375 the inquisitor, Fra Pie-
tro d'Aquila, having exceeded his powers, the Signoria
restricted his authority and conferred on the ordinary
civil courts jurisdiction in all criminal cases of ecclesi-
astics. This displeased the pope ; and in consequence
Guillaume de Noellet, papal legate at Bologna, di-
rected against Tuscany the band of mercenaries
known as the " White Company " (Compagnia Bianco).
Florence had hitherto been undeviatingly faithful to
the Holy See ; it now began to rouse against the pope,
not only the cities of Romagna and the Marches, but
even Rome itself. Eighty cities joined in the move-
ment. Gregory XI thereupon placed Florence under
interdict (1376), and allowed anyone to lay hands on
the goods and persons of the Florentines. Nor was
this a mere threat; the Florentine merchants in Eng-
land were obliged to return to Florence, leaving their
property behind them. Not even the intercession of
St. Catharine of Siena, who went to Avignon for the
purpose, could win pardon for the city. It was only in
1378, after the Western Schism had begun, that Urban
VI absolved the Florentines. Even then the people
compelled the offending magistrates to give ample
satisfaction to the pope (Gherardi, La guerra de' Fio-
rentini con papa Gregorio XI, detta guerra degU otto
santi, Florence, 1869). Florence now beheld with no
little concern the political progress of Gian Galeazzo
Visconti, Lord of Alilan. By the acquisition of Pisa he
had gained a coveted foothold in Tuscany. The
Florentines sided with his numerous enemies, all of
whom were anxious to prevent the formation of an
Italian sole monarchy. Visconti was victorious, but
he died in 1402, whereupon Florence at once laid siege
to Pisa. In 1405 Giovanni Maria Visconti sold the
town to the Florentines for 200,000 florins; but the
Pisans continued to defend their city, and it was not
till 1406 that Gino Capponi captured it. A revolt that
broke out soon after the surrender was repressed with
great severity. The purchase (1421) of the port of
Leghorn from Genoa for 100,000 gold florins gave
Florence at last a free passage to the sea, nor did the
citizens long delay to compete with Venice and Genoa
for the trade of the African and Levantine coasts
(1421). In 1415 the new constitutions of the republic
were promulgated. They were drawn up by the fa-
mous jurists Paolo di Castro and Bartolommeo Volpi
of the University of Florence.
The Medici. — Naturally enough, these numerous wars were very costly. Consequently early in the fifteenth century the taxes increased greatly and with them the popular discontent, despite the strongly democratic character of the city government. Cer- tain families now began to assume a certain promi- nence. Maso degli Albizzi was captain of the people for thirty years; after his death other families sought the leadership. Giovanni di Bicci de' Medici, to bring about a more equal tlistribution of taxation, proposed the catasto, i. e. an income-tax. This made him very popular and he was proclaimed Gonfaloniere for life (1421). His son Cosimo (d. 1464) inherited his im- mense riches and popularity, but his generosity l)rought him under suspicion. The chief men of the greater guilds, and especially the Albizzi family, charged him with a desire to overthow the govern- ment and he was exiled to Padua (1433). In 1434 the new Signoria, favourable to Cosimo, recalled him and gave him the proud title of Pater Potriw, i. e. father
