be changed into a sharp opposition. Not only do we know as a fact that this actually happened less than a century after Henry's death, but we see that it appeared as a serious danger more than once in the reign of Elizabeth, and, what is more to the purpose still, there were various indications of it even in Henry's own lifetime. On two occasions at least—viz., the Præmunire, as it affected the laity, and the Bill of Uses in 1532—the Commons resisted the King successfully, and on several others they showed that they were quite capable of doing so when they had sufficient inducement. Henry himself also on several occasions used the probable opposition of Parliament as a diplomatic weapon, saying that he could not agree to such-and-such a condition, as, if he did, his Parliament would not accept it; a proceeding which, though it might be held to show [[sic|taht}} he had, on the occasion in question, no great reason to fear their opposition, also proves that he was aware that they had it in their power to oppose effectually. These remarks, however, apply only with considerable limitation to the case of ecclesiastical government, inasmuch as there can be little doubt that Henry and Cromwell alike considered that by means of the Act for the Submission of the Clergy and the Act of Supremacy they had stereotyped the power of the Royal prerogative to govern the Church absolutely; and this view continued to be held and acted upon, though with constantly-diminishing success and constantly-increasing difficulty, down to the time of Charles I.
But the circumstances which followed upon Henry's death were such as at once put the strength of Cromwell's system to a severe trial, and that it stood the test even as well as it did, is sufficient evidence how wonderfully great that strength was.
