Page:Criticism on the Declaration of independence, as a literary document (IA criticismondecla00seld).pdf/42

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never conjecture, unless they might be supposed to consist of a right all men possess, of being born of woman, instead of some animal. If this is one of the rights of man; the chivalry ought to account it "sacred:" for so far as I can sec, it is all that operates to secure them, from the unpleasant contingency of being born among a generation of pigs. Perhaps another of these "rights of man," consists in the privilege all men have, of dying just at that nick of time when they cannot possibly live any longer. This again, enures almost exclusively to the advantage of the men of soft latitudes. It effectually prevents their going off, a little before they are done for.

The "rights of man" beyond doubt, permit him to wear his back on the foreside of his body, if he can get it there; and to do, without fear or molestation, any thing else he pleases, which God or man does not prevent. The end of the whole is, that the rights of man, secure us in privileges, we could not help possess without them—and this is all they can do, and be, what is affirmed of them, rights of man, as contradistinguished from rights secured by a government either human or divine. As a contrast to such rights as these, let us refer a moment to those secured to us by the divine government. It is sufficient to refer to one of them, namely—the right to fear God and keep his commandments. The administration under that government, has furnished us with a most admirable body of rules, examples and precepts, instructing us in the way to exercise and enjoy these rights to the greatest advantage. Here, we are not cheated with sophisms—we are not mocked with words full of sound signifying nothing. A human government, if it is good for any thing, secures its subjects in the right to enjoy the fruits of their own lawful industry. The governments of the earth, have not succeeded perfectly, in this their essential duty; but I think our own, so far as the free States are concerned, has come nearer to perfection than any other.

The serious injury, which the faults in the Declaration inflict upon us, arises from the fact that their position in this national document, enables them to cast their own hue on the national taste and genius. Evidences of this are discoverable from the sophisms so often in the months of demagogues, and in the ears of fools. We affect to despise the demagogues; yet we laud the Declaration