on internal pains, but he used each year to lay in a fresh store of health by spending some weeks in shooting in Norfolk (Wraxall, Memoirs, ii. 15, 23; Walpole, Letters, viii. 41; but as regards Fox's health compare Memorials, i. 264 n.) His embarrassments rendered his faithfulness to his party especially praiseworthy; his opposition to the American war was sincere, and the emoluments of office could not tempt him to be false to his principles.
In October 1780 Rodney and Fox were returned for Westminster, the ministerial candidate being defeated by a large majority. During the canvass the whig electors adopted a resolution to defend Fox's safety, as he would probably be made the ‘object of such attacks as he had already experienced, and to which every unprincipled partisan of power is invited by the certainty of a reward.’ Fox at this time adopted the blue frock-coat and buff waistcoat which are said to have given the whigs their party colours, still commemorated on the cover of the ‘Edinburgh Review’ (Wraxall, Memoirs, ii. 27; the connection is doubtful, and rests on Wraxall's assertion, which, however, is perhaps corroborated by the phrase ‘our buff and blue chief,’ Auckland Correspondence, ii. 369). The appointment of Palliser as governor of Greenwich Hospital provoked Fox to renew his attacks upon him, and on 1 Feb. he spoke severely of the exercise of the royal influence in driving Keppel from the borough of Windsor. This greatly annoyed the king (Speeches, i. 295; Letters to North, ii. 357). On 7 March he attacked North on finance, pointing out that the minister's proposal to raise twelve millions by annuities and 480,000l. by lottery showed utter disregard of the public interest, and that the profit on the loan would be 900,000l., which North would have the power of distributing among his supporters, and which would thus become a means of maintaining a majority; the lottery scheme he considered as injurious to the morals of the people. When pursuing this subject on 30 May he made a violent attack on North, personating the minister at his levee as inducing members to vote for the continuance of the war by representing that he had 900,000l. to distribute (Speeches, i. 316, 364; Wraxall, Memoirs, i. 98). On 15 June he carried the commitment of a bill to amend the marriage act, making a speech of remarkable power, in which he compared the results of lawful and unlawful union (Speeches, i. 413). When parliament met on 27 Nov. news had been received of the surrender of Yorktown. Fox moved an amendment to the address, and, angered by a remark that the house had heard with impatience the narratives of the American disasters, declared that the ministers ‘must by the aroused indignation and vengeance of an injured and undone people hear of them at the tribunal of justice and expiate them on the public scaffold;’ he exposed the wretched condition of the navy, and appealed to the house not to go on with the war. His amendment was lost by 218 to 129 (ib. pp. 427, 436). During January and February 1782 he continued his attacks on the maladministration of the navy, and the majority rapidly decreased. On 8 March Adam taunted him with looking outside the house for the wishes of the people, especially as regards the duration of parliaments. In reply Fox made a sort of confession of the principles he would follow if the ministry was overthrown; he spoke of the corrupt state of the house, and declared that it ought to be made to represent the people, but that it would be of little use to shorten parliaments unless the influence of the crown was abated; he desired an administration formed on the broadest basis (ib. ii. 40; Parl. Hist. xxii. 1136; Wraxall, Memoirs, ii. 222). North resigned on the 20th.
On the 25th Fox took office as foreign secretary in Lord Rockingham's administration. His appointment was immensely popular (he appears in the caricature ‘The Captive Prince’ as the ruler of the mob). As minister he was ‘indefatigable,’ and for the time wholly gave up play (Walpole, Letters, viii. 217; Memorials, i. 320 n.) He was not satisfied with the composition of the ministry; it consisted, he said, ‘of two parts, one belonging to the king, the other to the public;’ the king's part was led by Shelburne, the other secretary, and it soon became evident that he and Fox regarded each other with the distrust and jealousy natural to men who are forced by circumstances to act together while they are rivals and enemies at heart, as well as with an intense personal dislike’ (ib. pp. 314, 316; Lecky, History, iv. 216). On 17 May Fox brought in the bill for the repeal of the declaratory act of George I and for other concessions to Ireland. He had already, on 6 Dec. 1779, expressed in parliament his approval of the Irish association, and of ‘the determination that in the dernier ressort flew to arms to obtain deliverance’ (Speeches, i. 221). He now said that he ‘would rather see Ireland totally separated from the crown of England than kept in obedience by mere force.’ In acceding to the four demands of the Irish he was anxious ‘to meet Ireland on her own terms,’ and contemplated a formal treaty which should regulate the relationship between the two
