traditional estimate of the character of Jeffreys obtains no confirmation from the refinement of his features and expression as depicted in Kneller’s portrait in the National Portrait Gallery of London. But even though the popular notion requires to be thus modified in certain respects, it remains incontestable that Jeffreys was probably on the whole the worst example of a period when the administration of justice in England had sunk to the lowest degradation, and the judicial bench had become the too willing tool of an unconstitutional and unscrupulous executive.
Bibliography.—The chief contemporary authorities for the life of Jeffreys are Bishop Burnet’s History of my own Time (1724), and see especially the edition “with notes by the Earls of Dartmouth and Hardwick Speaker Onslow and Dean Swift” (Oxford Univ. Press, 1833); Roger North’s Life of the Right Hon. Francis North, Baron of Guildford (1808) and Autobiography (ed. by Augustus Jessopp, 1887); Ellis Correspondence, Verney Papers (Hist. MSS. Comm.), Hatton Correspondence (Camden Soc. pub.); the earl of Ailesbury’s Memoirs; Evelyn’s Diary. The only trustworthy information as to the judicial conduct and capacity of Jeffreys is to be found in the reports of the State Trials, vols. vii.-xii.; and cf. Sir J. F. Stephen’s History of the Criminal Law of England (1883). For details of the “bloody assizes,” see Harl. MSS., 4689; George Roberts, The Life, Progresses and Rebellion of James Duke of Monmouth, vol. ii. (1844); also many pamphlets, lampoons, &c., in the British Museum, as to which see the article on “Sources of History for Monmouth’s Rebellion and the Bloody Assizes,” by A. L. Humphreys, in Proceedings of the Somersetshire Archaeological and Natural Hist. Soc. (1892). Later accounts are by H. W. Woolrych, Memoirs of the Life of Judge Jeffreys (1827); Lord Campbell, The Lives of the Lord Chancellors (1845), 1st series, vol. iii.; E. Foss, The Judges of England (1864), vol. vii.; Henry Roscoe, Lives of Eminent British Lawyers (1830); Lord Macaulay, History of England (1848; and many subsequent editions). Most of these works, and especially those by Macaulay and Campbell, are uncritical in their hostility to Jeffreys, and are based for the most part on untrustworthy authorities. The best modern work on the subject, though unduly favourable to Jeffreys, is H. B. Irving’s Life of Judge Jeffreys (1898), the appendix to which contains a full bibliography. (R. J. M.)
JEHOIACHIN (Heb. “Yah[weh] establisheth”), in the Bible,
son of Jehoiakim and king of Judah (2 Kings xxiv. 8 sqq.;
2 Chron, xxxvi. 9 seq.). He came to the throne at the age of
eighteen in the midst of the Chaldean invasion of Judah, and is
said to have reigned three months. He was compelled to surrender
to Nebuchadrezzar and was carried off to Babylon
(597 B.C.). This was the First Captivity, and from it Ezekiel
(one of the exiles) dates his prophecies. Eight thousand people
of the better class (including artisans, &c.) were removed,
the Temple was partially despoiled (see Jer. xxvii. 18-20;
xxiii.v. 3 seq.),[1] and Jehoiachin’s uncle Mattaniah (son of Josiah)
was appointed king. Jehoiachin’s fate is outlined in Jer. xxii.
20–30 (cf. xxvii. 20). Nearly forty years later, Nebuchadrezzar
II. died (562 B.C.) and Evil-Merodach (Amil-Marduk) his
successor released the unfortunate captive and gave him precedence
over the other subjugated kings who were kept prisoners
in Babylon. With this gleam of hope for the unhappy Judaeans
both the book of Kings and the prophecies of Jeremiah conclude
(2 Kings xxv. 27-30; Jer. lii. 31-34).
JEHOIAKIM (Heb. “Yah[weh] raiseth up”), in the Bible,
son of Josiah (q.v.) and king of Judah (2 Kings xxiii. 34-xxiv. 6).
On the defeat of Josiah at Megiddo his younger brother Jehoahaz
(or Shallum) was chosen by the Judaeans, but the
Egyptian
conquerer Necho summoned him to his headquarters at Riblah
(south of Hamath on the Orontes) and removed him to Egypt,
appointing in his stead Eliakim, whose name (“El [God] raiseth
up”) was changed to its better-known synonym, Jehoiakim.
For a time Jehoiakim remained under the protection of Necho
and paid heavy tribute; but with the rise of the new Chaldean
Empire under Nebuchadrezzar II., and the overthrow of Egypt
at the battle of Carchemish (605 B.C.) a vital change occurred.
After three years of allegiance the king revolted. Invasions
followed by Chaldeans, Syrians, Moabites and Ammonites, perhaps
the advance troops despatched by the Babylonian king;
the power of Egypt was broken and the whole land came into
the hands of Nebuchadrezzar. It was at the close of Jehoiakim’s
reign, apparently just before his death, that the enemy appeared
at the gates of Jerusalem, and although he himself “slept with
his fathers” his young son was destined to see the first captivity
of the land of Judah (597 B.C.). (See Jehoiachin.)
Which “three years” (2 Kings xxiv. 1) are intended is disputed; it is uncertain whether Judah suffered in 605 B.C. (Berossus in Jos. c. Ap. i. 19) or was left unharmed (Jos. Ant. x. 6. 1); perhaps Nebuchadrezzar made his first inroad against Judah in 602 B.C. because of its intrigue with Egypt (H. Winckler, Keilinschrift. u. d. alte Test., pp. 107 seq.), and the three years of allegiance extends to 599. The chronicler’s tradition (2 Chron. xxxvi. 5-8) speaks of Jehoiakim’s captivity, apparently confusing him with Jehoiachin. The Septuagint, however, still preserves there the record of his peaceful death, in agreement with the earlier source in 2 Kings, but against the prophecy of Jeremiah (xxii. 18 seq., xxxvi. 30), which is accepted by Jos. Ant. x. 6. 3. The different traditions can scarcely be reconciled. Nothing certain is known of the marauding bands sent against Jehoiakim; for Syrians (Aram) one would expect Edomites (Edom), but see Jer. xxxv. 11; some recensions of the Septuagint even include the “Samaritans”! (For further references to this reign see especially Jeremiah; see also Jews: History, § 17.) (S. A. C.)
JEHOL (“hot stream”), or Ch’ēng–tē–fu, a city of China,
formerly the seat of the emperor’s summer palace, near 118°
E. and 41° N., about 140 m. N.E. of Peking, with which it is
connected by an excellent road. Pop. (estimate), 10,000. It
is a flourishing town, and consists of one great street, about 2 m.
long, with smaller streets radiating in all directions. The people
are well-to-do and there are some fine shops. The palace, called
Pi-shu-shan-chuang, or “mountain lodge for avoiding heat,”
was built in 1703 on the plan of the palace of Yuen-ming-yuen
near Peking. A substantial brick wall 6 m. in circuit encloses
several well-wooded heights and extensive gardens, rockeries,
pavilions, temples, &c. Jehol was visited by Lord Macartney
on his celebrated mission to the emperor K’ienlung in 1793;
and it was to Jehol that the emperor Hienfēng retired when
the allied armies of England and France occupied Peking in
1860. In the vicinity of Jehol are numerous Lama monasteries
and temples, the most remarkable being Potala-su,
built on the model of the palace of the grand lama of Tibet
at Potala.
JEHORAM, or Joram (Heb. “Yah[weh] is high”), the name
of two Biblical characters.
1. The son of Ahab, and king of Israel in succession to his brother Ahaziah.[2] He maintained close relations with Judah, whose king came to his assistance against Moab which had revolted after Ahab’s death (2 Kings i. 1; iii.). The king in question is said to have been Jehoshaphat; but, according to Lucian’s recension, it was Ahaziah, whilst i. 17 would show that it was Jehoram’s namesake (see 2). The result of the campaign appears to have been a defeat for Israel (see on the incidents Edom, Elisha, Moab). The prophetical party were throughout hostile to Jehoram (with his reform iii. 2 contrast x. 27), and the singular account of the war of Benhadad king of Syria against the king of Israel (vi. 24-vii.) shows the feeling against the reigning dynasty. But whether the incidents in which Elisha and the unnamed king of Israel appear originally belonged to the time of Jehoram is very doubtful, and in view of the part which Elisha took in securing the accession of Jehu, it has been urged with much force that they belong to the dynasty of the latter, when the high position of the prophet would be perfectly natural.[3] The briefest account is given of Jehoram’s alliance with Ahaziah (son of 2 below) against Hazael of Syria, at Ramoth-Gilead
- ↑ 2 Kings xxiv. 13 seq. gives other numbers and a view of the disaster which is more suitable for the Second Captivity. (See Zedekiah.)
- ↑ 2 Kings i. 17 seq.; see Lucian’s reading (cf. Vulg. and Pesh.). Apart from the allusion 1 Kings xxii. 49 (see 2 Chron. xx. 35), and the narrative in 2 Kings i. (see Elijah), nothing is known of this Ahaziah. Notwithstanding his very brief reign (1 Kings xxii. 51; 2 Kings iii. 1), the compiler passes the usual hostile judgment (1 Kings xxii. 52 seq.); see Kings (Books). The chronology in 1 Kings xxii. 51 is difficult; if Lucian’s text (twenty-fourth year of Jehoshaphat) is correct, Jehoram 1 and 2 must have come to their respective thrones at almost the same time.
- ↑ In vii. 6 the hostility of Hittites and Mizraim (q.v.) points to a period after 842 B.C. (See Jews, § 10 seq.)
