chancellor of the exchequer aroused misgivings by alluding in a speech to the difficulty he had in deciding what “hen roost” to “rob.” The government had been losing ground in the country, and Mr Lloyd George and Mr Winston Churchill were conspicuously in alliance in advocating the use of the budget for introducing drastic reforms in regard to licensing and land, which the resistance of the House of Lords prevented the Radical party from effecting by ordinary legislation. The well-established doctrine that the House of Lords could not amend, though it might reject, a money-bill, coupled with the fact that it never had gone so far as to reject a budget, was relied on by the extremists as dictating the obvious party tactics; and before the year 1909 opened, the possibility of the Lords being driven to compel a dissolution by standing on their extreme rights as regards the financial provision for the year was already canvassed in political circles, though it was hardly credited that the government would precipitate a constitutional crisis of such magnitude. When Mr Lloyd George, on the 29th of April, introduced his budget, its revolutionary character, however, created widespread dismay in the City and among the propertied classes. In a very lengthy speech, which had to be interrupted for half an hour while he recovered his voice, he ended by describing it as a “war budget” against poverty, which he hoped, in the result, would become “as remote to the people of this country as the wolves which once infested its forests.” Some of the original proposals, which were much criticized, were subsequently dropped, including the permanent diversion of the Old Sinking Fund to a National Development Fund (created by a separate bill), and a tax on “ungotten minerals,” for which was substituted a tax on mineral rights. But the main features of the budget were adhered to, and eventually passed the House of Commons on the 4th of November, in spite of the persistent opposition of the scanty Unionist minority. Apart from certain non-contentious provisions, such as a tax on motor-cars, the main features of the measure were large increases in the spirit and tobacco duties, license duties, estate, legacy and succession duties, and income tax, and an elaborate and novel system of duties on land-values (“increment duty,” “reversion duty,” “undeveloped land duty”), depending on the setting up of arrangements for valuation of a highly complicated kind. The discussions on the budget entirely monopolized public attention for the year, and while the measure was defended by Mr Lloyd George in parliament with much suavity, and by Mr Asquith, Sir Edward Grey and Mr Haldane outside the House of Commons with tact and moderation, the feelings of its opponents were exasperated by a series of inflammatory public speeches at Limehouse and elsewhere from the chancellor of the exchequer, who took these opportunities to rouse the passions of the working-classes against the landed classes and the peers. When the Finance Bill went up to the House of Lords, Lord Lansdowne gave notice that on the second reading he would move “that this House is not justified in giving its consent to this bill until it has been submitted to the judgment of the country,” and on the last day of November this motion was carried by an overwhelming majority of peers. The government passed a solemn resolution of protest in the House of Commons and appealed to the country; and the general election of January 1910 took place amid unexampled excitement. The Unionists gained a hundred seats over their previous numbers, but the constitutional issue undoubtedly helped the government to win a victory, depending indeed solely on the votes of the Labour members and Irish Nationalists, which a year before had seemed improbable.
Events had now made Mr Lloyd George and his financial policy the centre of the Liberal party programme; but party tactics for the moment prevented the ministry, who remained in office, from simply sending the budget up again to the Lords and allowing them to pass it. There was no majority in the Commons for the budget as such, since the Irish Nationalists only supported it as an engine for destroying the veto of the Lords and thus preparing the way for Irish Home Rule. Instead, therefore, of proceeding with the budget, the government allowed the financial year to end without one, and brought forward resolutions for curtailing the powers of the Lords, on which, if rejected by them, another appeal could be made to the people (see Parliament). Hardly, however, had the battle been arrayed when the King’s death in May upset all calculations. An immediate continuance of hostilities between the two Houses was impossible. A truce was called, and a conference arranged between four leaders from each side—Mr Lloyd George being one—to consider whether compromise on the constitutional question was not feasible. The budget for 1909–10 went quietly through, and before the August adjournment the chancellor introduced his budget for 1910–11, discussion being postponed till the autumn. It imposed no new taxation, and left matters precisely as they were. (H. Ch.)
LLOYD’S, an association of merchants, shipowners, underwriters,
and ship and insurance brokers, having its headquarters
in a suite of rooms in the north-east corner of the Royal Exchange,
London. Originally a mere gathering of merchants for business
or gossip in a coffee-house kept by one Edward Lloyd in Tower
Street, London, the earliest notice of which occurs in the London
Gazette of the 18th of February 1688, this institution has gradually
become one of the greatest organizations in the world in connexion
with commerce. The establishment existed in Tower
Street up to 1692, in which year it was removed by the proprietor
to Lombard Street, in the centre of that portion of the city
most frequented by merchants of the highest class. Shortly after
this event Mr Lloyd established a weekly newspaper furnishing
commercial and shipping news, in those days an undertaking
of no small difficulty. This paper took the name of Lloyd’s
News, and, though its life was not long, it was the precursor of the
now ubiquitous Lloyd’s List, the oldest existing paper, the
London Gazette excepted. In Lombard Street the business
transacted at Lloyd’s coffee-house steadily grew, but it does not
appear that throughout the greater part of the 18th century the
merchants and underwriters frequenting the rooms were bound
together by any rules, or acted under any organization. By
and by, however, the increase of marine insurance business made
a change of system and improved accommodation necessary,
and after finding a temporary resting-place in Pope’s Head Alley,
the underwriters and brokers settled in the Royal Exchange in
March 1774. One of the first improvements in the mode of effecting
marine insurance was the introduction of a printed form of
policy. Hitherto various forms had been in use; and, to avoid
numerous disputes the committee of Lloyd’s proposed a general
form, which was adopted by the members on the 12th of January
1779, and remains in use, with a few slight alterations, to this day.
The two most important events in the history of Lloyd’s during
the 19th century were the reorganization of the association in
1811, and the passing of an act in 1871 granting to Lloyd’s all
the rights and privileges of a corporation sanctioned by parliament.
According to this act of incorporation, the three main
objects for which the society exists are—first, the carrying out of
the business of marine insurance; secondly, the protection of
the interests of the members of the association; and thirdly,
the collection, publication and diffusion of intelligence and
information with respect to shipping. In the promotion of the
last-named object an intelligence department has been developed
which for wideness of range and efficient working has no parallel
among private enterprises. By Lloyd’s Signal Station Act 1888,
powers were conferred on Lloyd’s to establish signal stations
with telegraphic communications, and by the Derelict Vessels
(Report) Act 1896, masters of British ships are required to give
notice to Lloyd’s agents of derelict vessels, which information
is published by Lloyd’s.
The rooms at Lloyd’s are available only to subscribers and members. The former pay an annual subscription of five guineas without entrance fee, but have no voice in the management of the institution. The latter consist of non-underwriting members, who pay an entrance fee of twelve guineas, and of underwriting members who pay a fee of £100. Underwriting members are also required to deposit securities to the value of £5000 to £10,000, according to circumstances, as a guarantee for their
