appointment was avowedly made in order that an acceptable
British statesman, in whom public confidence was reposed,
might go to South Africa to consider all the circumstances,
and to formulate a policy which should combine the upholding
of British interests with the attempt to deal justly with the
Transvaal and Orange Free State governments.
Sir Alfred Milner reached the Cape in May 1897, and after the difficulties with President Kruger over the Aliens’ Law had been patched up he was free by August to make himself personally acquainted with the country and peoples before deciding on the lines of policy to be adopted, Between August 1897 and May 1898 he travelled through Cape Colony, the Bechuanaland Protectorate, Rhodesia and Basutoland. The better to understand the point of view of the Cape Dutch and the burghers of the Transvaal and Orange Free State, Milner also during this period learned both Dutch and the South African “Taal.” He came to the conclusion that there could be no hope of peace and progress in South Africa while there remained the “permanent subjection of British to Dutch in one of the Republics.” He also realized—as was shown by the triumphant re-election of Mr Kruger to the presidency of the Transvaal in February 1898—that the Pretoria government would never on its own initiative redress the grievances of the “Uitlanders.” In a speech delivered at Graaff Reinet, a Bond stronghold, on the 3rd of March 1898, he made it clear that he was determined to secure freedom and equality for the British subjects in the Transvaal, and he urged the Dutch colonists to induce the Pretoria government to assimilate its institutions, and the temper and spirit of its administration, to those of the free communities of South Africa. The effect of this pronouncement was great, and it alarmed the Afrikanders, who at this time viewed with apprehension the virtual resumption by Cecil Rhodes of his leadership of the Progressive (British) party at the Cape. That Milner had good grounds for his view of the situation is shown in a letter written (March 11) by Mr J. X. Merriman to President Steyn of the Free State: “The greatest danger (wrote Mr Merriman) lies in the attitude of President Kruger and his vain hope of building up a State on a foundation of a narrow unenlightened minority, and his obstinate rejection of all prospect of using the materials which lie ready to his hand to establish a true republic on a broad liberal basis. Such a state of affairs cannot last. It must break down from inherent rottenness.” Though this was recognized by the more far-seeing of the Bond leaders, they were ready to support Kruger, whether or not he granted reforms, and they sought to make Milner’s position impossible. His difficulties were increased when at the general election in Cape Colony the Bond obtained a majority. Acting strictly in a constitutional manner, Milner thereupon (Oct. 1898) called upon Mr W. P. Schreiner to form a ministry, though aware that such a ministry would be opposed to any direct intervention of Great Britain in the Transvaal. Convinced that the existing state of affairs, if continued, would end in the loss of South Africa by Britain, Milner came to England in November 1898. He returned to the Cape in February 1899 fully assured of the support of Mr Chamberlain, though the government still clung to the hope that the moderate section of the Cape and Free State Dutch would induce Kruger to deal justly with the Uitlanders. He found the situation more critical than when he had left, ten weeks previously. Johannesburg was in a ferment, while General Sir William Butler, who acted as high commissioner in Milner’s absence, had allowed it to be seen that he did not take a favourable view of the Uitlander grievances. On the 4th of May Milner penned a memorable despatch to the Colonial Office, in which he insisted that the remedy for the unrest in the Transvaal was to strike at the root of the evil—the political impotence of the injured. “It may seem a paradox,” he wrote, “but it is true that the only way for protecting our subjects is to help them to cease to be our subjects.” The policy of leaving things alone only led from bad to worse, and “the case for intervention is overwhelming.” Milner felt that only the enfranchisement of the Uitlanders in the Transvaal would give stability to the South African situation. He had not based his case against the Transvaal on the letter of the Conventions, and regarded the employment of the word “suzerainty” merely as an “etymological question,” but he realized keenly that the spectacle of thousands of British subjects in the Transvaal in the condition of “helots” (as he expressed it) was undermining the prestige of Great Britain throughout South Africa, and he called for “some striking proof” of the intention of the British government not to be ousted from its predominant position. This despatch was telegraphed to London, and was intended for immediate publication; but it was kept private for a time by the home government. Its tenor was known, however, to the leading politicians at the Cape, and at the instance of J. H. Hofmeyr a conference was held (May 31–June 5) at Bloemfontein between the high commissioner and the president of the Transvaal. Milner then made the enactment by the Transvaal of a franchise law which would at once give the Johannesburgers a share in the government of the country his main, and practically his only, demand. The conference ended without any agreement being reached, and the diplomatic discussion which followed (see Transvaal) gradually became more and more contentious. When war broke out, October 1899, Milner rendered the military authorities “unfailing support and wise counsels,” being, in Lord Roberts’s phrase “one whose courage never faltered.”
In February 1901 he was called upon to undertake the administration of the two Boer states, both now annexed to the British Empire, though the war was still in progress. He thereupon resigned the governorship of Cape Colony, while retaining the post of high commissioner. The work of reconstructing the civil administration in the Transvaal and Orange River Colony could only be carried on to a limited extent while operations continued in the field. Milner therefore returned to England to spend a “hard-begged holiday,” which was, however, mainly occupied in work at the Colonial Office. He reached London on the 24th of May 1901, had an audience with the king on the same day, was made a G.C.B. and privy councillor, and was raised to the peerage with the title of Baron Milner of St James’s and Cape Town. Speaking next day at a luncheon given in his honour, answering critics who alleged that with more time and patience on the part of Great Britain war might have been avoided, he asserted that what they were asked to “conciliate” was “panoplied hatred, insensate ambition, invincible ignorance.” Meanwhile the diplomacy of 1899 and the conduct of the war had caused a great change in the attitude of the Liberal party in England towards Lord Milner, whom Mr Leonard Courtney even characterized as “a lost mind.” A violent agitation for his recall, in which Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman joined, was organized, but without success, and in August he returned to South Africa, where he plunged into the herculean task of remodelling the administration. In the negotiations for peace he was associated with Lord Kitchener, and the terms of surrender, signed at Pretoria on the 31st of May 1902, were drafted by him. In recognition of his services he was, on the 15th of July, made a viscount.
Immediately following the conclusion of peace Milner published (June 21) the Letters Patent establishing the system of crown colony government in the Transvaal and Orange River colonies, and exchanging his title of administrator to that of governor. The reconstructive work necessary after the ravages of the war was enormous. He provided a steady revenue by the levying of a tax of 10% on the annual net produce of the gold mines, and devoted special attention to the repatriation of the Boers, land settlement by British colonists, education, justice, the Constabulary, and the development of railways. While this work of reconstruction was in progress domestic politics in England were convulsed by the tariff reform movement and Mr Chamberlain’s resignation. Milner, who was then spending a brief holiday in Europe, was urged by Mr Balfour to take the vacant post of secretary of state for the colonies. This offer he declined (Oct. 1, 1903), considering it more important to complete his work in South Africa, where economic depression
