3,572,329 affirmative votes and only 2569 negatives. In this vote lay the justification of the acts of the First Consul and the pledge for the greatness of the emperor Napoleon. The republicans in nearly every case voted for him: and it is significant of the curious trend of French thought that the new imperial constitution of the 18th of May 1804 opened with the words: “The government of the Republic is confided to an emperor, who takes the title Emperor of the French.”
The changes brought about by this constitution were mainly titular. Napoleon’s powers as First Consul for Life were so wide as to render much extension both superfluous and impossible; but we may note here that the senate now gained a further accession of authority at the expense of the two legislative bodies: and practically legislation rested with the emperor, who sent his decrees to the senate to be registered as senatus consulta. Napoleon’s chief aversion, the tribunate, was also divided into three sections, dealing with legislation, home affairs and finance—a division which preluded its entire suppression in 1807. More important were the titular changes Napoleon, as we have seen, did not venture to create an order of nobility until 1808, but he at once established an imperial hierarchy. First came the French princes, namely, the brothers of the emperor; six grand imperial dignities were also instituted, viz. those of the grand elector (Joseph Bonaparte), arch-chancellor of the empire (Cambacérès), arch-chancellor of state (Eugène de Beauharnais), arch-treasurer (Lebrun), constable (Louis Bonaparte), grand admiral (Murat). These six formed the emperor’s grand council. Next came the marshals, namely, Berthier, Murat, Masséna, Augereau, Lannes, Jourdan, Ney, Soult, Brune, Davout, Bessières, Moncey, Mortier and Bernadotte. Four generals—Kellermann, Lefèbvre, Pérignon, Serrurier—received the titles of honorary marshals. Next came dignities of a slightly lower rank, such as those of grand almoner (Fesch), grand marshal of the palace (Duroc), grand chamberlain (Talleyrand), grand master of the horse (Caulaincourt), grand huntsman (Berthier), grand master of ceremonies (Ségur). These with a host of lesser dignities built up the imperial hierarchy and enabled the court quickly to develop on the lines of the old monarchy, so far as rules of etiquette and self-conscious efforts could reproduce the courtly graces of the ancien régime.
Meanwhile Napoleon was triumphing over the last of the republican generals. Moreau’s trial for treason promised to end with an acquittal; but the emperor brought severe pressure to bear on the judges (one of whom he dismissed), with the result that the general was declared guilty of participating in the royalist plot. Thereupon Napoleon, in order to grace the new régime by an act of clemency, pardoned Moreau, it being understood that he must leave France. He left immediately for the United States. Sentence of death was passed on the royalist conspirators. On Josephine’s entreaties, the emperor commuted the sentence for eight of the well-connected men among them; Cadoudal and others of lower extraction were executed on the 24th of June. The brave Breton peasant thus summed up the results of his plot: “We meant to give France a king and we have given her an emperor.” The mot was literally true. Victories in the field were not more effective in consolidating Napoleon’s power than were his own coups d’état and the supremely skilful use which he made of conspiracies directed against him. He showed his sense of the value of Fouché’s services in exploiting the royalist plot of 1803–1804 by reconstituting the ministry of police and bestowing it upon him. Thenceforth plots were few. Would-be plotters remained quiet from sheer terror of his power and ability, or from a conviction that conspiracies redounded to his advantage.
Napoleon was now able by degrees to dispense with all republican forms (the last to go was the Republican Calendar which ceased on the 1st of January 1806), and the scene at the Coronation in Notre Dame on the 2nd of December 1804 was frankly imperial in splendour and in the egotism which led Napoleon to wave aside the pope, Pius VII., at the supreme moment and crown himself. It is worthy of note that Josephine then won a triumph over Joseph Bonaparte and his sisters, who had been intriguing to effect a divorce. Napoleon, though he did not bar the door absolutely against such a proceeding, granted her her heart’s desire by secretly going through a religious ceremony on the evening before the coronation. It was performed by Fesch, now a cardinal; but Napoleon could afterwards urge the claim that all the legal formalities had not been complied with; and the motive for the marriage may probably be found in the refusal of the pope to appear at the coronation unless the former civil contract was replaced by the religious rite.
As happened at every stage of Napoleon’s advancement, the states tributary to France underwent changes corresponding to those occurring at Paris. The most important of these was the erection of monarchy in North Italy. The Italian republic (formerly the Cisalpine republic) became the kingdom of Italy.
At first Napoleon desired to endow Joseph, or, on his refusal, Louis, with the crown of the new kingdom. They, however, refused to place themselves out of the line of direct succession in France, as Napoleon required, in case they accepted this new dignity. Finally, he resolved to take the title himself. The obsequious authorities at Milan at once furthered his design by sending an address to him, by requesting the establishment of royalty, and on the 15th of March 1805 by offering the crown to him. On the 26th of May he crowned himself in the cathedral at Milan with the iron crown of the old Lombard kings, amidst surroundings of the utmost splendour. On the 7th of June he issued a decree conferring the dignity of viceroy on Eugene de Beauharnais, his stepson; but everything showed that Napoleon’s will was to be law; and the great powers at once saw that Napoleon’s promise to keep the crowns of France and Italy separate was meaningless. The matter was of international importance; for by the treaty of Lunéville (February 1801) he had bound himself to respect the independence of the two republics of North Italy, the Cisalpine and the Ligurian. The defiance to Austria was emphasized when, on the 4th of June, he promised a deputation from Genoa that he would grant their request (prompted by his agents) of incorporating the Genoese (or Ligurian) republic in the French empire. In the same month he erected the republic of Lucca into a principality for Bacciochi and his consort, Elisa Bonaparte.
These actions proclaimed so unmistakably Napoleon’s intention of making Italy an annexe of France as to convince Francis of Austria and Alexander of Russia that war with him was inevitable. The tsar, as protector of the Germanic System, had already been so annoyed by the seizure of the duc d’Enghien on German territory, and by other high-handed actions against the Hanse cities, as to recall his ambassador from Paris. Napoleon showed his indifference to the opinion of the tsar by ordering the seizure of the British envoy at Hamburg, Sir George Rumbold (24th of October); but set him free on the remonstrance of the king of Prussia, with whom he then desired to remain on friendly terms. Nevertheless, the general trend of his policy was such as powerfully to help on the formation of the Third Coalition against France—a compact which Pitt (who returned to power in May 1804) had found it very difficult to arrange. Disputes with Russia respecting Malta and the British maritime code kept the two states apart for nearly a year; and Austria was too timid to move. But Napoleon’s actions, especially the annexation of Genoa, at last brought the three powers to accord, with the general aim of re-establishing the status quo ante in Germany, Holland, Switzerland and Italy, or, in short, of restoring the balance of power which Napoleon had completely upset.
Military affairs in this period are dealt with under Napoleonic Campaigns; but it may be noted here that during the anxious days which Napoleon spent at the camp of Boulogne in the second and third weeks of August 1805, uncertain whether to risk all in an attack on England in case Villeneuve should arrive, or to turn the Grand Army against Austria, the only step which he took to avert a continental war was the despatch of General Duroc to Berlin to offer Hanover to Prussia on consideration of her framing a close alliance with France. It was very unlikely that that peace-loving Court would take up arms against its powerful neighbours on behalf of Napoleon, and his proceedings in the previous months had been so recklessly provocative as to arouse doubts whether he intended to invade England and did not welcome the outbreak of a continental war. But in the case of a man so intensely ambitious, determined and egoistic as Napoleon, a decision on this interesting question is hazardous. Little reliance can be placed on his subsequent statements (as, for instance, to Metternich in 1810) that the huge preparations at Boulogne and the long naval campaign of Villeneuve were a mere ruse whereby to lure the Austrians into a premature declaration of war. It is, however, highly probable that he meant to strike at London if naval affairs went well, but that he was glad to have at hand an alternative which would shroud a. maritime failure under military laurels. If so, he succeeded. His habit was, as he said, faire son thème en deux façons, and he
