was at first successful. Chiefly through the valour of Lamoral, count of Egmont, two great victories were won over the French at St Quentin (August 10, 1557) and at Gravelines Philip II. (July 13, 1558). The terms of the treaty of Cateau-Cambrésis (February 1559) were entirely favourable to Philip. Internal difficulties, however, confronted him. His proposal to impose a tax of 1% on real property and of 2% on movable property was rejected by all the larger provinces. As a thorough Spaniard who did not even understand the language of his Netherland subjects Philip was from the first distrusted and his acts regarded with suspicion. He himself never felt at home at Brussels, and in August 1559 he set sail for Spain, never again to revisit the Netherlands.
He appointed as regent, Margaret, duchess of Parma, a natural daughter of Charles V. by a Flemish mother, and like the other women of the House a strong and capable ruler. She was nominally assisted by the members of the three councils—the Council of State, the Privy Council and the Council of Finance, but in reality all power had been Margaret of Parma. placed by Philip in the hands of three confidential councillors styled the Consulta—Barlaymont, president of the Council of Finance, Viglius, president of the Privy Council, and Antony Perrenot, bishop of Arras, better known by his later title as Cardinal Granvelle. This extremely able man, a Burgundian by birth, was the son of one of Charles V.’s most trusted councillors, and it was largely to him that the government of the Netherlands was confided. Two burning questions at the outset confronted Margaret and Granvelle—the question of the new bishoprics and the question of the presence in the Netherlands of a number of Spanish troops. The proposal to reorganize the bishoprics of the Netherlands was not a new one, but was the carrying out of a long-planned project of Charles V. In 1555 there were but three dioceses in the Netherlands—those of Tournay, Arras and Utrecht,—all of unwieldy size and under the jurisdiction of foreign metropolitans. It was proposed now to establish a more numerous hierarchy, self-contained within the limits of Burgundian rule, with three archbishops and fifteen diocesans. The primatial see was placed at Malines (Mechlin), having under it Antwerp, Hertogenbosch, Roermond, Ghent, Bruges, and Yprès constituting the Flemish province; the second archbishopric was at Cambray, with Tournay, Arras, St Omer, and Namur,—the Walloon province; the third at Utrecht, with Haarlem, Middleburg, Leeuwarden, Groningen and Deventer,—the northern (Dutch) province. All these with the exception of Cambray and St Omer were within the boundaries of the Netherlands. The scheme aroused almost universal distrust and opposition. It was believed that its object was the introduction of the dreaded form of the Inquisition established in Spain, and in any case more systematic and stringent measures for the stamping out of heresy. It excited also the animosity of the nobles jealous of their privileges, and of the monasteries, which were called upon to furnish the revenues for the new sees.
Granvelle was made first archbishop of Malines, and all the odium attaching to the increase of the episcopate was laid at his door, though he was in reality opposed to it. The continued presence of the Spanish troops, caused also great dissatisfaction. The Netherlanders detested the Spaniards and everything Spanish, and this foreign mercenary force, together with the new bishops, was looked upon as part of a general plan for the gradual overthrow of their rights and liberties. So loud was the outcry that Margaret and Granvelle on their own responsibility sent away the Spanish regiments from the country” (January 1561). The most serious difficulty with which Margaret had to deal arose from the attitude of the great nobles, and among these especially of William (the “Silent”) of Nassau, prince of Orange, Lamoral, count of Egmont, and Philip de Montmorency, count of Hoorn. These great magnates, all of them Knights of the Fleece and men of peculiar weight and authority in the country, were disgusted to find that, though nominally councillors of state, their advice was never asked, and that all power was placed in the hands of the Consulta. They began to be alarmed by the severity with which the edicts against heresy were being carried out, and by the rising indignation among the populace. William, Egmont, and Hoorn therefore placed themselves at the head of a league of nobles against Granvelle (who had become cardinal in 1561) with the object of undermining, his influence and driving him from power. They resigned their positions as councillors of state, and expressed their grievances personally to Margaret and by letter to the king in Madrid, asking for the dismissal of Granvelle. The duchess, herself aggrieved by the dictatorial manners of the cardinal, likewise urged upon her brother the necessity of the retirement of, the unpopular minister. At last Philip unwillingly gave way, and he secretly suggested to the cardinal that he should ask permission from the regent to visit his mother at Besançon. Granvelle left Brussels on the 13th of March 1564, never to return. But the king was only temporizing; he had no intention of changing his policy. He did but bide his time.
The Council of Trent had recently brought its long labours to a close (December 4, 1563), and Philip resolved to enforce its decrees throughout his dominions. He issued an order to that effect (August 18, 1564), and it was sent to the duchess of Parma for publication. The nobles protested, and Egmont was deputed to go to Madrid The Tridentine decrees. and try to obtain from the king a mitigation of the edicts and redress of grievances. Philip was inexorable. The activity of the Inquisition was redoubled, and persecution raged throughout the Netherlands. Everywhere intense indignation was aroused by the cruel tortures and executions. In the presence of the rising storm the duchess was bewildered, seeing clearly the folly of the policy she was obliged to carry out no less than its difficulty. Following the example of William of Orange, Hoorn, Berghen and other governors, the magistrates generally declined to enforce the edicts, and offered to resign rather than be the instruments for burning and maltreating their fellow-countrymen. It was at this time that the lesser nobility, foremost among whom were Louis of Nassau (brother of William), Philip de Marnix, lord of The Compromise. Sainte Aldegonde, and Henry, count of Brederode, began to organize resistance, and in 1566 confederacy, was formed, all the members of which signed a document called “The Compromise,” by which they bound themselves to help and protect one another against persecution, and to extirpate the Inquisition from the land. The signatories drew up a petition, known as the “Request,” which was presented by the confederates to the regent (April 5, 1566) in the council chamber at Brussels. As they approached, Barlaymont had been heard to say to Margaret, “What, Madam, is The Beggars. your Highness afraid of these beggars (gueux)?” The phrase was seized upon and made a party name, and it became the fashion for patriots to wear beggar’s garb and a medal round the neck, bearing Philip’s image on one side and a wallet on the other, with two hands crossed, and the legend Fidèles au roi jusqu’à la besace.
William of Orange, Egmont, and Hoorn were alarmed at, the violent passions that had been aroused, and held aloof at first from Brederode and his companions. At their instance, and carrying with them instructions from the regent and the council, the marquis of Berghen and Hoorn’s brother (the lord of Montigny) were persuaded to go to Spain and lay before Philip the serious character of the crisis. Philip received them courteously, but took care that neither of them should return home. Meanwhile in the Netherlands the sectaries had been making rapid headway in spite of the persecution. Open-air conventicles, were held in all parts of the provinces, and the fierce Calvinist The Iconoclasts. preachers raised the religious excitement of their hearers to such a pitch that it found vent in a furious outburst of iconoclasm. During the month of August bands of fanatical rioters in various parts of the country made havoc in the churches and religious houses, wrecking the altars, smashing the images and pictures, and carrying off the sacred vessels and other treasures on which they could lay their hands; These acts of wild and sacrilegious destruction reached their climax at Antwerp (August 16 and 17), where a small body of rioters forced their way into the cathedral and were permitted without
