shown in this city. She was worshipped, under the form of a conical stone, in an open-air sanctuary of the usual Cypriote type (not unlike those of Mycenaean Greece), the general form of which is known from representations on late gems, and on Roman imperial coins;[1] its ground plan was discovered by excavations in 1888.[2] It suffered repeatedly from earthquakes, and was rebuilt more than once; in Roman times it consisted of an open court, irregularly quadrangular, with porticos and chambers on three sides, and a gateway through them on the east. The position of the sacred stone, and the interpretation of many details shown on the gems and coins, remain uncertain. South of the main court lie the remains of what may be either an earlier temple, or the traditional tomb of Cinyras, almost wholly destroyed except its west wall of gigantic stone slabs.
After the foundation of New Paphos and the extinction of the Cinyrad and Ptolemaic dynasties, the importance of the Old Town declined rapidly. Though restored by Augustus and renamed Sebastè, after the great earthquake of 15 B.C., and visited in state by Titus before his Jewish War in 79 B.C., it was ruinous and desolate by Jerome’s time[3]; but the prestige of its priest-kings partly lingers in the exceptional privileges of the patriarch of the Cypriote Church (see Cyprus, Church of).
New Paphos became the administrative capital of the whole island in Ptolemaic and Roman days, as well as the head of one of the four Roman districts; it was also a flourishing commercial city in the time of Strabo, and famous for its oil, and for “diamonds” of medicinal power. There was a festal procession thence annually to the ancient temple. In A.D. 960 it was attacked and destroyed by the Saracens. The site shows a Roman theatre, amphitheatre, temple and other ruins, with part of the city wall, and the moles of the Roman harbour, with a ruined Greek cathedral and other medieval buildings. Outside the walls lies another columnar building. Some rock tombs hard by may be of earlier than Roman date.
See W. H. Engel, Kypros (Berlin, 1841) (classical allusions); M. R. James and others, Journ. Hellenic Studies, ix. 147 sqq. (history and archaeology); G. F. Hill, Brit. Mus. Cat. Coins of Cyprus (London, 1904) (coins); art. “Aphrodite” in Roscher’s Lexicon der gr. u. röm. Mythologie; also works cited in footnotes, and article Cyprus. (J. L. M.)
PAPIAS, of Hierapolis in Phrygia, one of the “Apostolic Fathers” (q.v.). His Exposition of the Lord’s Oracles, the prime early authority as to the Gospels of Matthew and Mark (see Gospels), is known only through fragments in later writers, chiefly Eusebius of Caesarea (H. E. iii. 39). The latter had a bias against Papias on account of the influence which his work had in perpetuating, through Irenaeus and others, belief in
a millennial reign of Christ upon earth. He calls him a man of small mental capacity, who took the figurative language of apostolic traditions for literal fact. This may have been so to some degree; but Papias (whose name itself denotes that he was of the native Phrygian stock, and who shared the enthusiastic religious temper characteristic of Phrygia, see Montanism) was nearer in spirit to the actual Christianity of the sub-apostolic
age, especially in western Asia, than Eusebius realized. In Papias’s circle the exceptional in connexion with Christianity seemed quite normal. Eusebius quotes from him the resurrection of a dead person[4] in the experience of “Philip the Apostle”—who had resided in Hierapolis, and from whose daughters Papias derived the story—and also the drinking of poison (“when put to the test by the unbelievers,” says Philip of Sidē,
by “Justus, surnamed Barsabbas”) without ill effect.[5] Papias also believed a revolting story as to the supernatural swelling of the body of Judas Iscariot. But if he was credulous of
marvels, he was careful to insist on good evidence for what he
accepted as Christ’s own teaching, in the face of current
unauthorized views. Papias was also a pioneer in the habit,
later so general, of taking the work of the Six Days (Hexaemeron)
and the account of Paradise as referring mystically to Christ
and His Church (so says Anastasius of Sinai).
About his date, which is important in connexion with his witness, there is some doubt. Setting aside the exploded tradition that he was martyred along with Polycarp (c. A.D. 155); we have the witness of Irenaeus that he was “a companion (ἑταῖρος) of Polycarp,” who was born not later than A.D. 69. We may waive his other statement that Papias was “a hearer of John,” owing to the possibility of a false inference in this case. But the fact that Irenaeus thought of him as Polycarp’s contemporary and “a man of the old time” (ἀρχαῖος ἀνήρ), together with the affinity between the religious tendencies described in Papias’s Preface (as quoted by Eusebius) and those reflected in the Epistles of Polycarp and Ignatius, all point to his having flourished in the first quarter of the 2nd century. Indeed, Eusebius, who deals with him along with Clement and Ignatius (rather than Polycarp) under the reign of Trajan, and before referring at all to Hadrian’s reign (A.D. 117–138), suggests that he wrote[6] about A.D. 115. It has been usual, however, to assign to his work a date c. 130–140, or even later. No fact is known inconsistent with c. 60–135 as the period of Papias’s life. Eusebius (iii. 36) calls him “bishop” of Hierapolis, but whether with good ground is uncertain.
Papias uses the term “the Elders,” or Fathers of the Christian community, to describe the original witnesses to Christ’s teaching, i.e. his personal disciples in particular. It was their traditions as to the purport of that teaching which he was concerned to preserve. But to Irenaeus the term came to mean the primitive custodians of tradition derived from these, such as Papias and his contemporaries, whose traditions Papias committed to writing. Not a few such traditions Irenaeus has embodied in his work Against Heresies, so preserving in some cases the substance of Papias’s Exposition (see Lightfoot, Apostolic Fathers, 1891, for these, as for all texts bearing on Papias).
See articles in the Dict. of Christian Biog., Dict. of Christ and the Gospels, and Hauck’s Realencyklopädie, xiv., in all of which further references will be found. (J. V. B.)
PAPIER MÂCHÉ (French for mashed or pulped paper),
a term embracing numerous manufactures in which paper pulp is employed, pressed and moulded into various forms other than uniform sheets. The art has long been practised in the East. Persian papier mâché has long been noted, and in Kashmir under the name of kar-i-kalamdani, or pen-tray work, the manufacture of small painted boxes, trays and cases of papier mâché is a characteristic industry. In Japan articles are made by gluing together a number of sheets of paper, when in a damp condition, upon moulds. China also produces elegant papier mâché articles. About the middle of the 18th century papier mâché work came into prominence in Europe in the form of trays, boxes and other small domestic articles, japanned and ornamented in imitation of Oriental manufactures of the same class, or of lacquered wood; and contemporaneously papier mâché snuff-boxes ornamented in vernis Martin came into favour. In 1772 Henry Clay of Birmingham patented a method of preparing this material, which he used for coach-building, for door and other panels, and for many furniture and structural purposes. In 1845 the application of the material to internal architectural decoration was patented by C. F. Bielefeld of London, and for this purpose it has come into extensive use. Under the name of carton pierre a substance which is essentially papier mâché is also largely employed as a substitute
- ↑ G. F. Hill, Brit. Mus. Cat. Coins of Cyprus (London, 1904), pls. xv.–xviii. (coins of Paphos), pl. xxvi. (other coins and gems).
- ↑ M. R. James, E. A. Gardner, and others, Journ. Hellenic Studies, ix. 334. 147 sqq.
- ↑ Dio Cass. liv. 23, 7; Strabo 683; Tac. Hist. 2, 2 sqq.; Jerome, Vit. Hilarionis. For the “Paphian Diamonds” (Pliny, Nat. Hist. xxxvii. 58), see E. Oberhummer, loc. cit., p. 185. For the fame of Paphian oil see Hom. Od. viii. 362 sqq.; Hymn Aphr. 58 sqq.; Isidore, Origines, xvii. 7, 64.
- ↑ “The mother of Manaim” (cf. Acts xiii. i), according to the citation in Philip of Sidē.
- ↑ Perhaps this is the basis of a clause in the secondary ending to Mark’s Gospel (xvi. 18).
- ↑ See further Dict. of Christ and the Gospels, s.v. The supposition that Philip of Sidē implies a date under Hadrian is a mistake. For the later date, see J. B. Lightfoot, Essays on “Supernatural Religion” (1889), pp. 142–216.
