Caselle or Casale, Pieve (Piove) di Sacco, Perugia, Piacenza, Saragossa; 1476 at Rostock, Bruges, Brussels, Angers, Toulouse, Polliano (Pogliano), Pilsen; 1477 at Reichenstein, Deventer, Gouda, Delft, Westminster, Lucca, Ascoli, Bergamo, Tortosa, Palermo, Seville; 1478 at Oxford, St Maartensdijk, Colle, Schussenried (in Würtemberg), Eichstädt, Geneva, Vienne, Trogen (?), Chablis, Cosenza, Prague, Barcelona; 1479 at Erfurt, Würzburg, Nijmegen, Zwolle, Poitiers, Toscolano, Pinerolo, Novi, Lerida, Segorbe, Saluzzo; 1480 at London, St Albans (or in 1479), Oudenarde, Hasselt, Reggio (in Modena), Salamanca, Toledo, Nonantola, Friuli (?), Caen; 1481 at Passau, Leipzig, Magdeburg, Treves, Urach, Casale di San Vaso, Saluzzo, Albi, Antwerp, Rougemont; 1482 at Reutlingen, Memmingen, Metz, Pisa, Aquila, Promentoux, Zamora, Odense, Chartres, Wien, Guadalajara, München, Erfurt; 1483 at Leiden, Kuilenburg (Culenborg), Ghent, Chalons-sur-Marne (?), Gerona, Stockholm, Siena, Soncino, Salins; 1484 at Bois-le-Duc, Eichstätt, Novi, Sangermano, Chambéry, Udine, Winterberg, Klosterneuburg, Rennes, Loudéac, Tarragona; 1485 at Heidelberg, Ratisbon, Pescia, Vercelli, Tréguier or Lantreguet, Brünn, Salins, Burgos, Mallorca, Hijar, Palma, Xeres; 1486 at Münster, Stuttgart, Chiavasco, Voghera, Casal Maggiore, Abbeville, Schleswig, Toledo; 1487 at Ingolstadt, Gaeta, Rouen, Murcia, Besançon; 1488 at Stendal, Viterbo, Gradisca, Faro, Constantinople, Lantenac; 1489 at Hagenau, Kuttenberg, San Cucufat (near Barcelona), Portesio, Coria, Pamplona, Tolosa, Lisbon; 1490 at Embrun, Orleans, Grenoble, Döle; 1491 at Hamburg, Kirchheim, Norzano, Goupillières, Angoulême, Dijon, Narbonne; 1492 at Marienburg, Cluni, Zinna, Valladolid, Leiria; 1493 at Lüneburg, Freiburg (in Breisgau), Urbino, Cagliari, Lausanne, Nantes, Copenhagen, Rieka; 1494 at Oppenheim, Tours, Mâcon, Monterey, Braga; 1495 at Freisingen, Freiberg (near Leipzig), Scandiano, Forli, Limoges, Schoonhoven (monastery Den Hem), Pamplona, Wadstena, Cettinje; 1496 at Offenburg, Provins, Barco, Valence, Granada; 1497 at Carmagnola, Avignon; 1498 at Tübingen, Périgueux, Schiedam, Gripsholm; 1499 at Danzig, Olmütz, Montserrat, Madrid; 1500 at Pforzheim, Sursee, Perpignan, Valenciennes, Jaen.
Printing seems to have begun in Scotland after September 1507, when King James IV. granted a patent to Walter Chepman and Andrew Myllar (also printed Millar) for the establishment of a printing press at Edinburgh. Their first book (The Maying or disport of Chaucer) appeared on the 4th of April 1508. Myllar, however, appeared to have been established there as a bookseller already in 1503 and to have published there his first book, Joh. de Garlandia Interpr. vocabulorum equivocorum (printed for him abroad) in 1505, his second Expositio Sequentiarum (also printed abroad) in 1506. (See Rob. Dickson and John Ph. Edmond, Annals of Scottish Printing from 1507 to the 17th century, Cambridge, 1890; Harry G. Aldis, List of Books printed in Scotland before 1700, Edinburgh 1904). Printing was introduced into Ireland at Dublin in 1551 by Humfrey Powell, wh0 published in that year a verbal reprint of Whitchurch's edition of the Common Prayerbook of 1549. Printing in Irish types was brought into the kingdom in 1571 by N. Walsh and John Kearney, the first book printed in that type being A Catechism, written by Kearney.
Above we have stated that printing was established at Avignon in the year 1497. But during the last two decades various treatises Question of Date at Avignon. have been published endeavouring to show that printing had already been exercised there more than half a century earlier.
In 1890 the Abbat Requin discovered at Avignon, in three notarial registers, five Latin notarial Protocols of the years 1444 and 1446, which, though they mention only the arts of “writing artistically,” and painting different colours on stuffs, he and others interpreted as showing that, during those years, certain artisans had exercised the art of printing with movable types at Avignon; so that, if the art was not invented there, one of those artisans must have learnt the secret from Gutenberg, said to have been engaged in printing at Strassburg from 1436 to 1439. And hence Avignon, hitherto regarded as the 60th town where printing was introduced, was to take the second place, if not the first, in the history of the invention of printing, between Strassburg and Mainz (Requin, L'Imprimerie à Avignon en 1444, Paris, 1890; id., Origines de l'imprimerie en France, Avignon, 1444, Paris, 1891).
From Requin's first document (dated July 4, 1444) it appears that a silversmith, Procopius Waldfoghel, of Prague, residing at Avignon, had received from a magister Manaudus (also called Menaldus Vitalis, born at Dax, in the Département des Landes, baccalaureus in decretis, and student at Avignon) two alphabets of steel, two iron forms (frames?), one steel screw, 48 forms of tin, and divers other forms belonging to the art of writing (duo abecedaria calibis et duas formas ferreas, unum instrument um calibis vocatum vitis, quadraginta octo formas stangni necnon diversas alias formas ad artem scribendi pertinentes), and promised to return these instruments (ad usum scribendi pertinencia) the moment Manaudus asked for them. The second document (dated August 27, 1444) makes no mention of tools or instruments, but is Procopius's bond for two sums of money (10 to 27 florins) which he had borrowed from Georgius de la Jardina; for the first he promised to instruct the said George in the art of writing well and seemly, and to do the necessary and suitable things for one month (pro quibus promisit instruere dictum Georgium in arte scribendi bene et con decenter, et administrare necessaria et opportune, hinc ad unum mensem), on condition that neither of them should instruct anyone else in the said art of writing, without the consent of the other (fuit tamen de pacto quad nullus non debeat instruere aliquem in dicta arte scribendi, nisi de licentia alterius). The third document (March 10, 1446) is an agreement between Procopius and a Jew of Avignon named Davinus de Codarossia, who had advanced money to him and held property from him as security. The Jew had promised to teach Procopius to paint stuffs in different colours, and the latter had promised the Jew to make for him and to deliver to him “twenty-seven prepared Hebrew letters, well and properly cut in iron according to the science and practice of writing, which, two years ago, the said Procopius had shown and taught the Jew, together with instruments of wood, tin and iron” (Procopius promisit . . . judeo facere et factas reddere et restituere viginti septem litteras ebreaycas formatas, scisas in ferro bene et debite juxta scientiam et practicam scribendi, sunt duo anni elapsi ipsi judeo per dictum Procopium ostensam et doctam, ut dixit, una cum ingeniis de fuste, de stagno et de ferro). It was also agreed that the Jew should pay for the tin and wood for the instruments of the Hebrew writing (fuit de pacto quod idem judeus solvet stagnam et fustes artificiorum sive ingeniorum scripture ebrayce). And Procopius further promised to give the Jew, the following week, ten florins to recover certain pledges or utensils which the Jew had in pawn from him, the latter binding himself not to reveal the science or teach the art to any one as long as Procopius should remain at Avignon or in the neighbourhood (promisit eidem judeo dare decem florenos per totam hebdomadam proxime futuram et restituere sibi certa pignora sive ustensilia que ipse judeus habet in pignora a dicto Procopio). The fourth document (April 5, 1446) shows that Procopius had made for the above-named Menaldus Vitalis and Arnaldus de Coselhaco (and Girardus Ferrosis?) and delivered to them several instruments or tools of iron, steel, copper, latten, lead, tin and wood for writing artistically; he had instructed them in the said art of writing artistically, and all the tools belonged to them in common. But Menaldus, wishing to sell his share in the said tools to the others and to retire from the association, twelve florins were paid to him in two instalments, but at the request of Procopius he testifies under oath that the said art of writing, taught him artistically by the said Procopius, was real and most proper, and also easy, practicable and useful to any one wishing and choosing to work it (Cum dictus Procopius super arte scribendi artificialiter fecerit venerabilibus viris . . . Menaldo Vitalis et Arnaldo de Coselhaco . . . nonnulla instrument sive artificial causa artificialiter scribendi tam ferro de callibe, de cupro, de lethono, de plumbo, de stagno, et de fuste . . . dictamque artem scribendi artificialiter eos docuerit, instrumentaque ipsa omnia et singula sint . . . communia inter eosdem studentes . . . Cumque dictus . . . Vitalis cupiat . . . partem suam dictorum instrumentorum sive artificiorum . . . vendere et a communione eorum recedere . . . vendidit dicto Procopio et Girardo presentibus . . . partem suam . . precio duodecim florenorum . . . Ibidem Vitalis . . . medio suo juramento . . . dixit . . . dictam artem scribendi per dictum Procopium artificialiter eidem doctam, esse veram et verissimam, esseque facilem, possibilem et utilem laborare volenti et diligent eam). The fifth document (April 26, 1446) shows that Procopius had recovered from Davinus all the pledges which he had pawned with him, except one mantle and 48 letters engraved in iron, that Davinus had not yet carried out his part of the agreement as to teaching Procopius the painting of different colours on stuffs, whereas Procopius had delivered to the Jew all the arts, tools and instruments pertaining to writing artistically in Latin letters, as he had promised to do on the 10th of March last. (Procopius confessus fuit se ab eodem judeo recepisse omnia pignora sua per eum penes dictum judeum impignorata, excepto uno mantello et quadraginta octo litteris gravatis in ferro. Et . . . dictus judeus confessus fuit . . . recepisse a dicto Procopio . . . omnia artificio, ingenia et instrument ad scribendum artificialiter in litera latina, &c.) Again the compact is that Davinus shall not reveal the science to anyone, at least so long as Procopius should reside at Avignon or within 30 m. in the neighbourhood. (nemini mundi dicere, notiyieare nec quovismodo revelare, per se nec per alium ullomodo, presentem scientiam in teorica nec pratica, et nulli mundi eam docere neque revelare eam fuisse ostensam per quemvis).
It is difficult to find the art of printing with movable types, or the art of casting types in these documents. The Abbat, however, says they prove the establishment of a printing-office at Avignon in 1444, and he reads “matrices,” “caractères d'imprimerie,” une “imprimerie,” and “tout un matériel d'imprimerie” in them, although the documents themselves do not mention such things; they only allude to the “art of writing,” the “practice” or “exercise of writing”; the “art of writing well and seemly”; the “science and practice of writing”; the “art of writing artistically.” And
