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vation of the status quo in central Europe, was the primary outcome of Czechoslovak foreign policy. Czechoslovakia, Yugoslavia and Rumania became bound together in the Little Entente by a treaty of alliance (Convention with Yugoslavia dated Aug. 13 1920, with Rumania April 23 1921), positive in so far as it aimed at the establishment and maintenance of peace, security and normal economic conditions in central Europe, and defensive in so far as it was directed against all attempts at reaction menacing the existence of the new states. The efficacy of the Little Entente as a counter-reactionary alliance was manifested in April 1921, and again in October 1921, when its concerted action helped to frustrate the two attempts of Charles of Habsburg-Lorraine to recapture the throne of Hungary.

In respect of Austria Czechoslovakia was animated by the desire to assist in relieving the economic situation of the country, while opposed both to the incorporation of Austria with Germany and to the foundation of a Danubian confederation. It was in favour of aiding Austria on a broad basis of financial and economic help, to be rendered generally to the states of central Europe by international agreement. It was in favour of creating in central Europe a new political and economic system by which permanent peace would be secured—a definite understanding between all the "Succession States" of the former Austro-Hungarian monarchy in the matter of communications, post, telegraphs, navigation, finance and banking, exchange of goods and commercial treaties generally, opening up the way to a system of unfettered economics and freer trade—but at the same time jealously guarding the economic and political sovereignty of the Czechoslovak Republic.

In respect of Hungary Czechoslovakia was at one with Yugoslavia and Rumania in holding that a Habsburg restoration would be a casus belli. These countries adopted the view laid down by the Paris Conference on Feb. 2 1920, which declared that "it is not within the intention nor can it be regarded as the duty of the principal Allied Powers to intervene in the internal affairs of Hungary or to dictate to the Hungarian people what form of Government or of Constitution they shall adopt: nevertheless the Powers cannot allow the restoration of the Habsburg dynasty to be regarded as a question concerning the Hungarian nation alone. They declare therefore that a restoration of this nature would be in conflict with the very basis of the peace settlement and would be neither recognized nor tolerated."

On the other hand Czechoslovakia was desirous of renewing economic and political relations with Hungary, the more so as agricultural Hungary might be regarded as the complement of industrial Czechoslovakia, supplying her with natural products and providing a market for Czechoslovak manufactures.

With Poland the relations of the Czechoslovak Republic were for a considerable time seriously troubled by the question of Teschen, both countries laying claim to that territory. The Paris Conference in July 1920 decided for the partition of the disputed area; and the decision, though it signified no small sacrifice for the Czechoslovaks and caused deep disappointment throughout the country, was accepted loyally in the hope that by this sacrifice the friendship of the Poles would be secured. In the words of Dr. Beneš, "the Czechoslovak Government regards the conflict with the Poles as definitively ended and is desirous of systematically pursuing a policy of rapprochement." It was in this sense that the whole policy of Czechoslovakia towards Poland was directed, and the Czechoslovaks were hopeful that Poland would ultimately join with the Little Entente.

Towards Russia the policy of Czechoslovakia was logically consistent. It had always been opposed to intervention in Russia, and insisted upon Russia desisting from any act that might be construed as intermeddling in the affairs of Czechoslovakia, in particular the pursuit of Bolshevist propaganda on Czechoslovak territory. The Czechs were animated with intense sympathy for the real Russian people, and looked forward to the day when they will be able to cooperate as kinsmen in the reconstruction of a peaceful and well-ordered Russia.

In pursuance of its practical policy of rapprochement and economic cooperation in the reconstruction of central Europe

in particular and of Europe in general, Czechoslovakia concluded a series of commercial treaties with her various neighbours and with the Allied Powers.

Political Parties. Not only was there in 1918–21 a sharp contrast in policy between the Czechoslovaks and the minority races living within the republic—the Germans and the Magyars—but each nationality was split up into a multiplicity of factions. The Czechoslovaks had 199 representatives in the House of Deputies and 103 in the Senate, and this total of 302 members was divided among no less than nine parties. The Germans and the Magyars were also proportionately split up. The strongest party in the republic was that of the Czechoslovak Social Democrats, which up to Sept. 1920 was represented by 74 deputies and 41 senators. The left wing of the party,—22 deputies and 5 senators—after a somewhat violent quarrel, then broke away and formed an independent organization owing allegiance to the Third (Moscow) International. This Communist party established its own organ, the ''Rudé Právo" (The Red Rights), in opposition to the "Právo Lidu" (The Rights of the People), the organ of the Social Democratic party. The Social Democrats were well organized among the industrial workers and agricultural labourers. They pursued a Marxist programme aiming at the socialization of the State, the means of production and consumption: they were opposed to a dictatorship of the proletariat, and were for evolutionary as opposed to revolutionary methods. They supported the peace policy of the Czechoslovak Government in foreign affairs, and were strongly opposed to intervention in Russia. They were also in favour of a closer cooperation with the German democratic element in the State.

The Communists aimed at a dictatorship of the proletariat, the creation of workmen's and military councils and a close hand-in-hand cooperation with Soviet Russia.

The Popular party, composed of Catholics and recruited largely from Slovakia and the country districts of Moravia, was represented by 33 deputies and 18 senators. Its organization was chiefly in the hands of the priests. It championed the rights of private ownership against Socialism, and combated the anti-Rome movement which was taking place throughout the republic. In foreign affairs it supported the Government.

The Agrarian party numbered 42 members, and published an important daily, the "Venkov" (Country). It was drawn from the peasant and small-farmer class, was in favour of land reform, private property rights and increased production all round. It was opposed to Socialism.

The National Socialists numbered thirty-four. They pursued a national as opposed to an international social policy, being thus opponents of the Social Democrats and in particular antagonistic to Communism. They were opposed to the Soviets, but while favouring a constitutional Russia were against any intervention in that country.

The National Democrats (Liberals), whose organ was the "Národni Listy," numbered twenty-nine. They were led by Dr. Kramář, and, being mostly recruited from the educated, professional and official classes, were more influential than the numbers suggest. They were strongly represented in Prague and other cities. They were, of course, opposed to Marxism and Communism. In domestic politics they were strongly Nationalist and suspicious of the Germans. They were the champions of State authority, order and public morals.

Of the German parties the strongest was again the Social Democratic party, originally numbering 31 deputies and 16 senators, but having subsequently lost three deputies who formed a German Communist party acting more or less in concert with the Czechoslovak Communists.

In 1921 the total number of Socialists of every complexion in the House of Deputies was 141, as opposed to 137 Bourgeois members (Czechoslovaks 199, Germans 72, Magyars 7). In the Senate the Socialists numbered 68, as against 75 Bourgeois members (Czechoslovaks 103, Germans 37, Magyars 3).

The composition of the Chambers sufficiently explained the fact that up to Sept. 1921 the Government of the republic had