Page:EB1922 - Volume 31.djvu/694

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654
JAPAN


the residence and trading of foreigners. China further pledged herself in a note that she would not lease or alienate any part of Shantung, including the islands off its coast.

With special reference to Kiaochow, the Japanese Minister, in an exchange of notes, made the following declaration:—

“If upon the conclusion of the present war, the Japanese Government should be given an absolutely free disposal of the leased territory of Kiaochow Bay, they will return the said territory to China, subject to the following conditions:—

“1. Opening of the whole of Kiaochow as a commercial port;

“2. Establishment of a Japanese settlement in the locality to be designated by the Japanese Government;

“3. Establishment, if desired by the Powers, of an international settlement;

“4. Arrangements to be made, before the return of the said treaty is effected, between the Japanese and the Chinese Governments with respect to the disposal of German public establishments and properties and with regard to the other conditions and procedures.”

By the treaty respecting S. Manchuria and Eastern Inner Mongolia, the Chinese Government engaged that the terms of lease of Port Arthur and Dairen, and of the S. Manchuria railway and the Antung–Mukden railway, should be extended to 99 years respectively; that Japanese should be permitted in S. Manchuria to lease land for residential, commercial, industrial and agricultural purposes, and further should be free to enter, travel, reside and pursue various vocations; that in Eastern Mongolia Japanese should be permitted to carry on, jointly with Chinese, agricultural undertakings; that Japanese conducting business in those regions should be submitted to Chinese police laws and taxation; that civil and criminal cases should be tried by the Japanese consul or by Chinese officials according as the defendant was Japanese or Chinese, save in cases of land disputes where a mixed tribunal would have the power of adjudication (all this pending the eventual reform of the Chinese judicial system); that suitable cities and towns would early be opened to foreigners of China’s own accord; that various agreements relating to the Kirin–Changchun railway should early be revised. By the exchange of notes, certain mining rights, and the priority of Japanese capital in relation to loans for building railways and other loans on the security of taxes, save the salt gabelle and customs revenue, were granted to Japan. It was further agreed that Japanese might be employed first in case China needed foreign advisers or instructors in S. Manchuria. As to the Hanyehping Co., in view of the very close relations existing between Japanese capitalists and the company, China agreed to approve a possible future arrangement for its joint undertaking and further not to confiscate or nationalize it without Japan’s consent, or let it contract foreign loans other than Japanese. In regard to the province of Fukien, the Chinese Government declared that they would not permit a foreign Power to build or finance any shipyard or military or naval establishment.

If Yuan Shi-k’ai had been disinterested and had taken a wider view of the general situation, those treaties and agreements could very well have been utilized for bringing China and Japan closer, and consolidating the peace of the East. But he was paving his way to his ambitious goal—to ascend the throne. It was unfortunate that Yuan’s subsequent actions and proclamations inspired undue ill-will in the Chinese people.

Japan’s War Mission to the United States.—Shortly after the declaration of war against Germany by the United States in April 1917, the Allied Powers sent their leading statesmen and soldiers to Washington to confer as to the best methods of coöperation in the war; how to coördinate their respective national strengths so as to bring about an early victory. Great Britain was represented by Mr. Balfour and France by M. Viviani and Marshal Joffre. Japan entrusted the mission to Viscount K. Ishii, whose major task was to consult about the distribution of the Allied naval forces, and the arrangement as to the exchange of ships and steel, for whereas America urgently needed transports to convey her troops to the western front, the Japanese steel plants and shipbuilding yards would shortly be forced to remain idle if they were unable to obtain a supply of American iron. During Viscount Ishii’s stay in Washington, the Ishii–Lansing Agreement in regard to China was incidentally concluded.

The Ishii–Lansing Agreement.—In the course of conversation which took place between Mr. Robert Lansing, the United States Secretary of State, and Viscount Ishii, when the latter went to Washington on the Special War Mission in 1917, it was found advisable that a public announcement of the desires and intentions of the two Governments with regard to China should once again be made, “in order to silence mischievous reports” that had from time to time been circulated. On Nov. 2 notes were exchanged between the two plenipotentiaries, declaring:—

“The Governments of Japan and the United States recognize that territorial propinquity creates special relations between countries, and, consequently the Government of the United States recognizes that Japan has special interests in China, particularly in the part to which her possessions are contiguous.

“The territorial sovereignty of China, nevertheless, remains unimpaired, and the Government of the United States has every confidence in the repeated assurances of the Imperial Japanese Government that while geographical position gives Japan such special interests they have no desire to discriminate against the trade of other nations or to disregard the commercial rights heretofore granted by China in treaties with other Powers.

“The Governments of Japan and the United States deny that they have any purpose to infringe in any way the independence or territorial integrity of China and they declare, furthermore, that they always adhere to the principle of the so-called ‘open door,’ or equal opportunity for commerce and industry in China.

“Moreover, they mutually declare that they are opposed to the acquisition by any Government of any special rights or privileges that would affect the independence or territorial integrity of China or that would deny to the subjects or citizens of any country the full enjoyment of equal opportunity in its commerce and industry.”

The Japanese Expedition to Siberia.—After the Russian Revolution in 1917, a unique and anomalous situation developed in Siberia owing to the conjunction effected by German and Austro-Hungarian prisoners-of-war with Bolshevik forces, the former assuming the practical command. These Teutonic–Bolshevik allies seriously threatened the safety of the Czechoslovak troops who had essayed through the only available route of Siberia to join the Allied armies fighting on the western front in France. The U.S. Government proposed to the Japanese Government in the early part of 1918 to dispatch an Allied contingent to Eastern Siberia to give succour to the helpless and distressed Czechoslovaks. To this Japan gave her assent, and in Aug. undertook to detail a contingent to Vladivostok; the United States and Great Britain also dispatched troops to Siberia. Early in Sept. Khabarovsk was captured by the Allied forces, and during the month of Oct. the Bolshevik influence in Eastern Siberia was signally diminished and the Czechoslovaks in the interior succeeded in re-establishing communication with their compatriots in the littoral districts. The Allied successes in Siberia endowed the anti-Bolshevists, rallying under the banner of Adml. Kolchak, with fresh power; and the orders of the Omsk Government, established in Nov. 1918, extended as far as the Ural regions by the end of that year. But in May 1919 the anti-Bolshevik forces sustained a crushing reverse at the hands of the Red army; and Adml. Kolchak’s Government first removed from Omsk and then, toward the winter, to Chita. In face of such unfavourable developments of affairs, Japan saw the necessity of early arriving at a definite understanding with the U.S. Government as to the future dispatch of reënforcements to Siberia. The Washington Government, however, responded in Jan. 1920 with a sudden decision to withdraw all the American troops and railway experts; first, because the repatriation of the Czechoslovak forces was about to be completed, and secondly because the very unstable situation in Siberia would render futile any military assistance to the attempt to establish an autonomous Russian Government in Siberia. The American Government further stated that if Japan would continue in her endeavours in Siberia single-handed, they had no objection whatever. In point of fact, the exigencies of the situation soon obliged Japan to send a reënforcement. But the Social Revolutionaries and the Bolshevists were in the spring of 1920 fast establishing ascendancy in Eastern Siberia, having their headquarters at Vladivostok, Verkhne Udinsk and Blagovyeshchensk—the three centres being more or less independent of each other. After the arrest and execution by Bolshevists of