and tending to curtail Croatia's ancient liberties and extend the sway of the Magyar language. It was a fertile soil for Gaj's agitation, and in 1848 the Croatian nation found in Baron Jelacic a military leader who voiced the Illyrian idea and hoped to realize it in union with the Habsburg Dynasty and the other subject nationalities of Hungary. It is highly significant that Jelacic as Ban of Croatia went hand in hand with the newly elected Serb-patriarch Rajacic: that Croats and Serbs, including many volunteers from the principality of Serbia, fought side by side against Hungary, and that the poet-prince-bishop Peter II. of Montenegro wrote to Jelacic, expressing his solidarity with the movement.
Croatia after 1848. After the collapse of the Hungarian revo- lution in 1849, the Croats, in the words of Pulszky, received as reward the same absolutist regime which had been imposed upon the Magyars as punishment. Jelacic and Gaj died as disap- pointed men, and the very general resentment aroused by the ingratitude of Francis Joseph vented itself also against the name of Illyria, which rapidly disappeared from the political arena. But its place was taken more and more by Yugoslavia, which, it should be remarked, was then still used to denote all the territories inhabited by any southern Slav tribe, and so to include the Bulgars no less than the Serbo-Croats and Slovenes. On the intellectual side the new movement found its champion and its Maecenas in Bishop Strassmayer, who for over 50 years devoted the surplus revenues of the wealthy see of Dya Kovo (Djakovo) to national purposes, and was mainly instrumental in founding at Zagreb the southern Slav Academy (1867), the first Croat university (1874) and a modern gallery and school of arts. Historical research and b'terary criticism flourished under Racki, the first president of the Academy, and his pupils: while Strassmayer did much to revive the Glagolitic, or ancient Slavonic liturgy, and to win for it the favour of Pope Leo XIII. Close relations linked the great Bishop with Prince Michael, Serbia's ablest modern ruler, and with Prince Danilo of Montenegro who assured Michael, " Form the Kingdom of Serbia, and I will mount guard before your palace."
The Dual System. In the late 'sixties the Yugoslav idea met with a serious set-back. Prussia's victory forced Austria to come to terms with the Magyars: and the bargain was sealed by the Ausgleich, or Dual System, at the expense of the lesser nationalities. Within certain limits Croatia's autonomy was respected, but so far from Zagreb being consulted, the terms of the new settlement were in effect dictated from Budapest and only submitted pro forma to a carefully " packed " Croatian Diet, after the bargain between Budapest and Vienna had al- ready made of them an accomplished fact. Meanwhile the murder of Prince Michael in the same year deprived Serbia of a great statesman and the movement for unity of a possible head. During the 'seventies Austro-Hungarian policy was increasingly successful in checking intercourse between the Yugoslavs of the monarchy and those outside its bounds. Meanwhile the newly constituted " Party of Right," resting upon a narrow Catholic clerical basis, aimed at the reunion of Dalmatia with Croatia- Slavonia in the so-called Triune Kingdom, within whose bounds it affected to deny the very existence of Serbs. This Pan-Croat ideal was favoured in Vienna as a convenient rival to Pan-Serb- ism with its centre in Belgrade; but its natural effect was to drive the Serbs of Slavonia and S. Hungary into the arms of Budapest. The insurrection of Bosnia against the Turks only served to increase party discords: for though it aroused the keenest sympathy of all Serbs and Croats, and thus furthered the sense of racial affinity, it gave rise to rival claims upon Bosnia which could be exploited in the interest of Vienna and Budapest. The official policy of Baron Kallay, for 20 years the adminis- trator of Bosnia, was to taboo the name of Serb in the hope of creating a distinct " Bosnian " nationality.
The period between 1883 and 1903 is the most humiliating in the modern history of the southern Slavs. Count Khuen- Hedervary, as Ban of Croatia, reduced political corruption to a fine art and governed by playing off Croat and Serb against each other, and fanning the dying flames of religious bigotry:
while at the same time Serbia under King Milan was reduced to the position of a mere satellite of Vienna. The humiliating secret treaty concluded between Austria-Hungary and Serbia in 1881 had specially pledged the latter to repress any nationalist agitation against the Dual Monarchy, even in respect of that Bosnia for which Serbia had risked her existence four years earlier. Disunion had reduced the Yugoslavs to an almost negligible quantity in Balkan politics.
The National Revival in Croatia. After the turn of the cen- tury, however, a new generation arose both among Croats and Serbs, which had received its education abroad, and especially in Prague, where the ethical and political teachings of Prof. Masaryk exercised a remarkable influence over the progressive youth of all Slav countries. All thinking men were increasingly conscious that no progress was possible until Croat and Serb presented an united front against German-Magyar predominance. The first signs of reviving solidarity came in 1903, when Khucn's rigorous suppression of rioting in Zagreb and several country districts of Croatia, led to demonstrations of protest through- out Dalmatia and Istria. Thirty Croat deputies of those prov- inces resolved to lay their kinsmen's grievances before the Em- peror, and his refusal of an audience played a material part in alienating Croat sympathies from the Crown. It is not unin- structive to note that as the same year 1868 witnessed a set- back in both Croatia and Serbia, so the same year 1903 marks a parallel revival in national consciousness in both countries, coincident with the fall of Khuen-Hedervary and the removal of the Obrenovic dynasty. Abroad the new King's position was prejudiced by the hideous crime which led to his accession, but among his own people this was from the first atoned for by the introduction of a real constitutional regime and increased political stability. The Serbian court, instead of being a centre of perpetual scandal and misrule, resumed its true position as a focus of national aspirations, and this change was not lost upon the Yugoslavs of " the other side."
Resolution of Fiume. The advocates of political cooperation between Serb and Croat saw their opportunity in the consti- tutional conflict which broke out between Crown and Parliament in Hungary: and on Oct. 4 1905 40 Croat deputies from Croatia, Dalmatia and Istria formulated in the so-called " Resolution of Fiume " a complete programme of political reform, and defined the basis upon which solid friendship between Croats and Mag- yars seemed attainable. The prime movers in this action were Dr. Trumbic, a leading Dalmatian advocate and mayor of Spalato, and Mr. Supilo, also a Dalmatian, the editor of the Novi List at Fiume. Ten days later 26 Serb deputies from the various provinces of the monarchy, met at Zara, indorsed the principles embodied in the Resolution of Fiume and declared in favour of joint political action between Croats and Serbs. It is worthy of note that the Resolution of Fiume anticipated the modern doctrine of self-determination by the very explicit assertion that " every nation has the right to decide freely and independently concerning its existence and its fate." On Nov. 14 the Croat and Serb parties in the Diet of Dalmatia publicly affirmed the principle that " the Croats and Serbs are one na- tion ": and this standpoint has never since been abandoned. The Serbo-Croat coalition, formed on the basis of the Fiume Resolution, at once acquired the mastery in Croatia, and even when its short-lived alliance with the Hungarian coalition in power in Hungary since April 1906 was replaced by acute conflict in the summer of 1907, no amount of repression from Budapest could destroy its solid majority in the Croatian diet. Baron Paul Rauch, the Magyar nominee as Ban, failed, with all his official apparatus, to secure a single seat for his creatures at the genera] election of 1908, and therefore proceeded to govern without Parliament, by an elaborate system of administrative pressure, press persecution and espionage. Under his regime Magyar intolerance of Croat national aspirations joined hands with the designs of the Ballplatz against Serbia in connexion with the impending annexation of Bosnia.
Friedjung Trial. The treason trial which opened at Zagreb in March 1909 pursued the parallel aims of intimidating the
