310 PARLIAMENT the new parliament further extended the recent scheme of reform, by granting to electors the protection of the ballot, for which advanced reformers had contended since 1832. Xor was the representation, as lately determined, long suffered to continue without question. First, it was pro posed, in 1872, by Mr Trevelyan, to extend the household franchise to counties, and this proposal found favour in the country and in the House of Commons ; but, the Con servative party having been restored to power in 1874, no measure of that character could be promoted with any prospect of success. At the dissolution in 1880 a more general revision of the representation was advocated by leading members of the Liberal party, who were soon re stored to power ; and further measures of reform are now under the consideration of parliament. Meanwhile, tren chant enactments have been made in restraint of corrupt practices, and for reducing the excessive cost of elections. Relations of the Commons to the Crown and the Lords. Having brought this rapid sketch of the history and con stitution of parliament to a close, a few remarks may be offered as to the relations of the House of Commons to the crown, the House of Lords, and the people. Prior to the reign of Charles I. the condition of society was such as naturally to subordinate the Commons to the crown and the Lords. After the Revolution of 1688, society had so far advanced, that, under a free representation, the Com mons might have striven with both upon equal terms. But, as by far the greater part of the representation was in the hands of the king and the territorial nobles, the large constitutional powers of the Commons were held safely in check. Since 1832, when the representation became a reality, a corresponding authority has been asserted by the Commons. For several years, indeed, by reason of the weakness of the Liberal party, the Lords were able successfully to resist the Commons upon many important .occasions ; but it was soon acknowledged that they must yield whenever a decisive majority of the Com mons, supported by public opinion, insisted upon the passing of any measure, however repugnant to the senti ments of .the Upper House. And it became a political axiom that the Commons alone determined the fate of ministries, and the policy of the state. The relations of the two Houses, however, can only be understood in con nexion with the action of political parties. The Lords may be said, generally, to represent the opinions prevalent before 1832, while, during the greater part of the period since that time, the Commons, under leaders of the Liberal party, have represented the progressive views of a later generation. Hence, under Liberal administrations, the two Houses have been in frequent conflict ; under Conservative administrations they have been brought into general agreement, the electors having supported the party which commanded a majority in both Houses. In the conflict of parties, the ultimate appeal is to the country. But as the representation of the people is further extended, an accord between the two Houses will be more difficult, while the power of resistance on the part of the Lords will be pro portionately weakened. Severe Pressure upon the House of Commons. The House of Commons having thus become the centre of political power, it has been impelled to extraordinary activity. The legislation of the last fifty years affords the only example in history of so wide a reconstruction of insti tutions, and so bold a redress of grievances, having been accomplished without a revolution. But this prodigious work, of which the main burthen has rested upon the Commons, has formed only a part of their labours. The voting of supplies for the public service, and financial policy, are their exclusive province, and offer unbounded opportunities for debate. They have also assumed a large share of executive power. Every act of administration is ! open to question, controversy, and censure. Matters of ! executive policy foreign, colonial, and domestic are 1 eagerly discussed in this numerous and excited assembly. i Nor are discussions mainly directed to such important topics. The close connexion of the Commons with the people, the publicity of debates, the rapidity of communi cations with all parts of the world, and the activity of the press, have made the floor of that House the popular plat form of the country. On that arena are discussed every conceivable grievance, complaint, opinion, project, or delu sion. Subjects the most trivial are forced upon the attention of the House, by means of questions and inci dental debates ; and after weary sittings, such as no other deliberative assembly has ever been willing to endure, matters of the first importance fail to obtain a hearing. These difficulties were apparent in the first reformed parliaments after 1832 ; and they have since been aggra vated so seriously as to threaten the character and com petency of the most powerful branch of the legislature. Such difficulties, grave enough in themselves, have lately assumed more dangerous proportions under the per nicious tactics of obstruction. The liberal opportunities provided, by the rules of the House, for free discussion have been perverted and abused ; and the effective power of the House has often been held in check, and sometimes nearly paralysed. Already some partial remedies have been applied to this acknowledged evil, but further measures are still needed for facilitating the action of parliament. It were strange, indeed, if the House of Commons, having attained pre-eminence in the legislature, should now prove unequal to the responsibilities of its freedom and its power. The methods of earlier times, and other political conditions, will assuredly be reviewed, and adapted to the multiplied obligations of an assembly whose fruitful labours are essential to the welfare of tho country. POWERS AND PRIVILEGES OF PARLIAMENT. Such being the history and constitutional character of parliament, this survey would be incomplete without a more detailed view of the powers and privileges of each of its constituent parts, and of its ordinary proceedings. Prerogatives of the Crown. The crown, pre-eminent i;i rank and dignity, is also the legal source of parliamentary authority. The Queen virtually appoints the Lords Spiritual, and all the peerages of the Lords Temporal have been created by herself or her predecessors. Thus the entire House of Lords is the creation of the crown. The Queen summons parliament to meet, and prescribes the time and place of its meeting, prorogues and dissolves it, and commands the issue of writs for the election of members of the House of Commons. By several statutes, beginning with the 4th Ed ward III. c. 14, the annual meeting of par liament had been ordained ; but these statutes, continually disregarded, were virtually repealed in the reigns of Charles II. and William and Mary (16 Ch. II., 31"; 6 & 7 Will, and Mary, 32). The present statute law merely exacts the meeting of parliament once in three years ; but the anmvil voting of supplies has long since superseded obsolete statutes. When parliament is assembled, it cannot proceed to business until the Queen has declared the causes of sum mons, in person or by commission. Other prerogatives of the crown, in connexion with parliament, will be noticed in reference to the proceedings of the two Houses. Powers of the House of Lords. The House of Lords, which at present consists of about five hundred and twenty members, is distinguished by peculiar dignities, privileges, and jurisdictions. Peers individually enjoy the rank and
