tion. Its inevitable tendency, whenever it is brought into activity, must be to enfeeble the Union, and sow the seeds of discord and contention between the Fœderal Head and its members, and between the members themselves. Can it be expected that the deficiencies would be better supplied in this mode, than the total wants of the Union have heretofore been supplied, in the same mode? It ought to be recollected, that if less will be required from the States, they will have proportionably less means to answer the demand. If the opinions of those who contend for the distinction which has been mentioned were to be received as evidence of truth, one would be led to conclude, that there was some known point in the economy of National affairs, at which it would be safe to stop and to say: Thus far, the ends of public happiness will be promoted by supplying the wants of Government, and all beyond this is unworthy of our care or anxiety. How is it possible that a Government, half supplied and always necessitous, can fulfil the purposes of its institution; can provide for the security, advance the prosperity; or support the reputation of the Commonwealth? How can it ever possess either energy or stability, dignity or credit, confidence at home or respectability abroad? How can its administration be anything else than a succession of expedients temporizing, impotent, disgraceful? How will it be able to avoid a frequent sacrifice of its engagements to immediate necessity? How can it undertake or execute any liberal or enlarged plans of public good?
Let us attend to what would be the effects of this situation, in the very first war in which we should happen to be engaged. We will presume, for argument sake, that the revenue arising from the impost duties answers the purposes of a provision for the public debt, and of a peace establishment for the Union. Thus cir-
