which the United States will be most likely to prefer, where foreign embassies may be necessary. And under no latitude of construction will the term comprehend Consuls. Yet it has been found expedient, and has been the practice of Congress, to employ the inferior grades of public Ministers; and to send and receive Consuls.
It is true, that where Treaties of commerce stipulate for the mutual appointment of Consuls, whose functions are connected with commerce, the admission of foreign Consuls may fall within the power of making commercial Treaties; and that where no such Treaties exist, the mission of American Consuls into foreign countries may perhaps be covered under the authority, given by the ninth Article of the Confederation, to appoint all such civil officers as may be necessary for managing the general affairs of the United States. But the admission of Consuls into the United States, where no previous Treaty has stipulated it, seems to have been nowhere provided for. A supply of the omission is one of the lesser instances, in which the Convention have improved on the model before them. But the most minute provisions become important when they tend to obviate the necessity or the pretext for gradual and unobserved usurpations of power. A list of the cases in which Congress have been betrayed, or forced by the defects of the Confederation, into violations of their chartered authorities, would not a little surprise those who have paid no attention to the subject; and would be no inconsiderable argument in favor of the new Constitution, which seems to have provided no less studiously for the lesser, than the more obvious and striking defects of the old.
The power to define and punish piracies and felonies committed on the high seas, and offences against the law of nations, belongs with equal propriety to the General
