this time consist of as many independent princes, as there were formerly feudatory barons.
The State Governments will have the advantage of the Fœderal Government, whether we compare them in respect to the immediate dependence of the one on the other; to the weight of personal influence which each side will possess; to the powers respectively vested in them; to the predilection and probable support of the People; to the disposition and faculty of resisting and frustrating the measures of each other.
The State Governments may be regarded as constituent and essential parts of the Fœderal Government; whilst the latter is nowise essential to the operation or organization of the former. Without the intervention of the State Legislatures, the President of the United States cannot be elected at all. They must in all cases have a great share in his appointment, and will perhaps, in most cases, of themselves determine it. The Senate will be elected absolutely and exclusively by the State Legislatures. Even the House of Representatives, though drawn immediately from the People, will be chosen very much under the influence of that class of men, whose influence over the People obtains for themselves an election into the State Legislatures. Thus, each of the principal branches of the Fœderal Government will owe its existence more or less to the favor of the State Governments, and must consequently feel a dependence, which is much more likely to beget a disposition too obsequious, than too overbearing towards them. On the other side, the component parts of the State Governments will in no instance be indebted for their appointment to the direct agency of the Fœderal Government, and very little, if at all, to the local influence of its members.
The number of individuals employed under the Constitution of the United States will be much smaller
