in some of these respects, yet there are causes, as well physical as moral, which may, in a greater or less degree, permanently nourish different propensities and inclinations in this respect. But the circumstance which will be likely to have the greatest influence in the matter, will be the dissimilar modes of constituting the several component parts of the Government. The House of Representatives being to be elected immediately by the People, the Senate by the State Legislatures, the President by Electors chosen for that purpose by the People, there would be little probability of a common interest to cement these different branches in a predilection for any particular class of electors.
As to the Senate, it is impossible that any regulation of "time and manner," which is all that is proposed to be submitted to the National Government in respect to that body, can affect the spirit which will direct the choice of its members. The collective sense of the State Legislatures can never be influenced by extraneous circumstances of that sort; a consideration which alone ought to satisfy us, that the discrimination apprehended would never be attempted. For what inducement could the Senate have, to concur in a preference in which itself would not be included? Or to what purpose would it be established, in reference to one branch of the Legislature, if it could not be extended to the other? The composition of the one would in this case counteract that of the other. And we can never suppose that it would embrace the appointments to the Senate, unless we can at the same time suppose the voluntary coöperation of the State Legislatures. If we make the latter supposition, it then becomes immaterial where the power in question is placed, whether in their hands, or in those of the Union.
But what is to be the object of this capricious partiality in the National Councils? Is it to be exercised in a
