character can be applied. In each of the two first, there was a Senate for life. The constitution of the Senate in the last is less known. Circumstantial evidence makes it probable, that it was not different in this particular from the two others. It is at least certain, that it had some quality or other which rendered it an anchor against popular fluctuations; and that a smaller Council, drawn out of the Senate, was appointed not only for life, but filled up vacancies itself. These examples, though as unfit for the imitation, as they are repugnant to the genius of America, are, notwithstanding, when compared with the fugitive and turbulent existence of other ancient republics, very instructive proofs of the necessity of some institution that will blend stability with liberty. I am not unaware of the circumstances which distinguish the American from other popular Governments, as well ancient as modern; and which render extreme circumspection necessary, in reasoning from the one case to the other. But after allowing due weight to this consideration, it may still be maintained, that there are many points of similitude which render these examples not unworthy of our attention. Many of the defects, as we have seen, which can only be supplied by a Senatorial institution, are common to a numerous assembly frequently elected by the People, and to the People themselves. There are others peculiar to the former, which require the control of such an institution. The People can never wilfully betray their own interests; but they may possibly be betrayed by the Representatives of the People; and the danger will be evidently greater, where the whole Legislative trust is lodged in the hands of one body of men, than where the concurrence of separate and dissimilar bodies is required in every public Act.
The difference most relied on, between the American and other republics, consists in the principle of representation; which is the pivot on which the former move,
