disagreement between them with respect to the time of adjournment, to adjourn them to such time as he shall think proper; to take care that the laws be faithfully executed; and to commission all officers of the United States." In most of these particulars, the power of the President will resemble equally that of the King of Great Britain, and of the Governor of New York. The most material points of difference are these:—First. The President will have only the occasional command of such part of the militia of the Nation, as by Legislative provision may be called into the actual service of the Union. The King of Great Britain, and the Governor of New York, have at all times the entire command of all the militia within their several jurisdictions. In this Article, therefore, the power of the President would be inferior to that of either the Monarch, or the Governor. Secondly. The President is to be Commander-in-Chief of the army and navy of the United States. In this respect, his authority would be nominally the same with that of the King of Great Britain, but in substance much inferior to it. It would amount to nothing more than the supreme command and direction of the military and naval forces, as first General and Admiral of the Confederacy: while that of the British King extends to the declaring of war and to the raising and regulating of fleets and armies; all which, by the Constitution under consideration, would appertain to the Legislature.[1] The Governor of New York, on
- ↑ A writer in a Pennsylvania paper, under the signature of Tamony, has asserted that the King of Great Britain owes his prerogative as Commander-in-Chief to an annual mutiny bill. The truth is, on the contrary, that his prerogative, in this respect, is immemorial, and was only disputed, "contrary to all reason and precedent," as Blackstone vol. 1., page 262, expresses it, by the Long Parliament of Charles I.; but by the statute the 13th of Charles II., chap. 6, it was declared to be in the King alone, for that the sole supreme government and command of the militia within his Majesty's realms and dominions, and of all forces by sea and land, and of all forts and places of strength, ever was and is the undoubted right of his Majesty and his royal predecessors, Kings and Queens of England, and that both or either House of Parliament cannot nor ought to pretend to the same.—Publius.
