even in pause; cf. § 29 s and 65 e. In the 1st sing. imperfect the e-sound occurs in two words for Ḥaṭeph-Pathaḥ, under the preformative א; אֱזָרֶה Lv 26, Ez 5, 12 and וְאֵסָ֣עֲרֵם Zc 7 (in accordance with § 23 h).—Before the full plural ending וּן (see § 47 m) the Ṣere is retained in pause, e.g. תְּדַבֵּר֑וּן ψ 58 (but Gn 32 תְּדַבְּר֣וּן), cf. 2 K 6, Dt 12; so before Silluq ψ 58, Jb 21 and even before Zaqeph qaṭon Dt 7. Instead of תְּקַטֵּ֫לְנָה, forms like תְּקַטַּ֫לְנָה are also found, e.g. Is 3, 13, in both cases before a sibilant and in pause. Also פַּלַּג ψ 55 occurs as the 2nd sing. imperative (probably an intentional imitation of the sound of the preceding בַּלַּע) and קָרַב (for qarrabh) Ez 37.
[o] 3. The infinite absolute of Piʿēl has sometimes the special form קַטֹּל given in the paradigm, e.g. יַסֹּר castigando, ψ 118; cf. Ex 21, 1 K 19 (from a verb ל״א); ψ 40 (from a verb ל״ה); but much more frequently the form of the infinitive construct (קַטֵּל) is used instead. The latter has also, in exceptional cases, the form קִטֵּל (with ă attenuated to ĭ as in the perfect), e.g. in 1 Ch 8 שִׁלְחוֹ; perhaps also (if not a substantive) קִטֵּר Jer 44; and for the sake of assonance even for infinitive absolute in 2 S 12 (נִאֵץ נִאַ֫צְתָּ). On the other hand, שִׁלֵּם Dt 32 and דִּבֵּר Jer 5 are better regarded as substantives, while דִּבֶּר Ex 6, Nu 3, Dt 4 (in each case after בְּיוֹם), Ho 1 (after תְּחִלַּת), in all of which places it is considered by König (after Qimḥi) to be infinitive construct, is really perfect of Piʿēl.
[p] The infinitive construct Piʿēl, with the fem. ending (cf. § 45 d), occurs in יַסְּרָה Lv 26; זַמְּרָה ψ 147; with ת of the fem. before a suffix צַדֶּקְתֵּךְ Ez 16. On the verbal nouns after the form of the Aram. inf. Pa‛il (קַטָּלָה), see § 84b e.
Instead of the abnormal מְאָֽסְפָיו (so Baer, Is 62) as ptcp. Pi‛el, read מְאַסְ׳ with ed. Mant. and Ginsburg.
[q] 4. In Puʿal ŏ is sometimes found instead of ŭ in the initial syllable, e.g. מְאָדָּם dyed red, Ex 25, &c., Na 2, cf. 3 שָׁדְּדָה; Ez 16, ψ 72, 80. According to Baer’s reading also in תְּרָצְּחוּ ψ 62, and so also Ben Ašer, but Ben Naphtali תְּרַצְּחוּ. It is merely an orthographic licence when ŭ is written fully, e.g. יוּלַּד Ju 18.
[r] 5. As infinitive absolute, of Puʿal we find גֻּנֹּב Gn 40.—No instance of the inf. constr. occurs in the strong verb in Puʿal; from ל״ה with suffix עֻנּוֹתוֹ ψ 132.
[s] 6. A few examples occur of the participle Puʿal without the preformative (מְ), e.g. אֻכָּל Ex 3; יוּלָּד (for מְיֻלָּד) Ju 13; לֻקָּח 2 K 2; סֹעֲרָה Is 54. These participles are distinguished from the perfect (as in Niphʿal) by the ā of the final syllable. For other examples, see Is 30, Ec 9 (where יוּקָשִׁים, according to § 20 n, stands for יֻקָּ׳ = מְיֻקָּ׳); but, according to the Masora, not Ez 26, since הַֽהֻלָּ֫לָה as Mil‛êl can only be the perfect. The rejection of the מְ may be favoured by an initial מ, as in Is 18 (but also מְמֻשָּׁךְ); Pr 25 (where, however, read מוֹעֶ֫דֶת); so also in the participle Piʿēl מָאֵן Ex 7, 9 (always after אִם, but cf. also הַמֵּאֲנִים Jer 13, where, however, הַמָּֽאֲנִים = הַמְמָֽאֲנִים is to be read, with Brockelmann, Grundriss, p. 264 f.) and מַהֵר Zp 1 (and Is 8?). Notice, however, Barth’s suggestion (Nominalbildung, p. 273) that, as the active of forms like אֻכָּל only occurs in Qal, they are perfect participles of former passives of Qal (see e), and in Jer 13, 23, perfect participles of Piʿēl.—On מְרֻבַּע Ez 45, see § 65 d.
