but just what it was, or how far it extended, was not quite so clear. Although the colonists had unwillingly yielded to the exercise of power by Parliament in matters of trade, still they had yielded submission, and had suffered legislation to extend to a number of other matters beside trade. Parliament had regulated colonial trade for the exclusive benefit of the mother country for a long time, and had appointed custom-house officers, and instituted admiralty courts in the colonies: it is true, these were systematically evaded and resisted; nevertheless, what had been done and submitted to, had given Parliament a sort of legal vested right in all points of the kind. But, let it be noted, Parliament had never exercised the power of levying taxes for revenue. The minor matters of regulating the postage on letters, and certain duties on "enumerated articles," were mere trifles: and however the question might stand as to the power of Parliament to levy taxes upon the colonists, it was certain that it had never yet been attempted to be exercised. When the English ministry ventured to make the trial, the contest, almost at once, involved in itself the very essentials of life and liberty.
That astute minister, Sir Robert Walpole, when a suggestion was made to him to levy a direct tax upon the colonies as we have noted in a former chapter, had declined making so dangerous an experiment: "I shall leave this operation to some one of my successors, who may possess more courage than I, and have less regard for the commercial interests of England. My opinion is, that, if by favoring the trade of the colonies with foreign nations, they gain £500,000, at the end of two years, fully one half of it will have come into the royal exchequer, by the increased demand for English manufactures. This is a mode of taxing them more agreeably to their own constitution and laws, as well as our own." But there was not the same political sagacity in some of Walpole's successors; and they ventured to try what he had declined; they determined to tax the colonies.[1]
George Grenville enjoys the reputation of having given origin to the scheme which resulted in the well known Stamp Act. He was in some
- ↑ "The disposition to tax the Americans, unless they would tax themselves equal to the wishes of the ministry, was undoubtedly strengthened by the reports of their gaiety and luxury which reached the mother country; it was also said, that the planters lived like princes, while the inhabitants of Britain labored hard for a tolerable subsistence. The officers lately returned, represented them as rich wealthy, and even overgrown in fortune. Their opinion might arise from observations made in the American cities and towns during the war, while large sums were spent in the country, for the support of fleets and armies. American productions were then in great demand, and trade flourished. The people, naturally generous and hospitable, having a number of strangers among them, indulged themselves in many uncommon expenses. When the war was terminated, and they had no further apprehension of danger, the power of the late enemy in the country being totally broken,—Canada, and the back lands to the very banks of the Mississippi, with the Floridas, being ceded to Great Britain,—it was thought they could not well make too much of those who had so contributed to their security. Partly to do honor to them, and partly, it is to be feared, to gratify their own pride, they added to their show of plate, by borrowing of neighbors, and made a great parade of riches in their several entertainments. The plenty and variety of provision and liquors enabled them to furnish out an elegant table, at a comparatively trifling expense."—Gordon's "History of the American Revolution" vol. i., p. 157.
