You are pleased to term our cause "unjust." In this there is nothing so surprising, as your being lured to give such a sentiment under your hands, signing your own disgrace with posterity. You know, that the virtuous characters throughout Europe, on this point, differ with your Excellencies; and I most respectfully submit, whether there is not some little degree of presumption in your signing an opinion, in contradiction to the opinion of thousands, who, without derogating from your Excellencies, are, at least, as well able to judge upon the point as you are?
But you add, that our cause is "precarious." Allow me to make a proper return to your Excellencies, by informing you, that all the affairs of men are precarious, and that war is particularly so. However, if your Excellencies meant to insinuate, that our cause is precarious, from an inability in us to maintain it, I beg leave to ask General Howe what progress his arms made during his command at Boston? And what shining victories, and important conquests you have achieved since your junction at Staten Island? The eulogium,
duo fulmina belli
Scipiadas
cannot yet be applied to your Excellencies. General Howe's repulse from the lines on Long Island, and his victory over the advanced guard of three thousand men, reflect no great degree of glory on the corps of at least twelve thousand men that he commanded. Nor can you boast much of the action on New York Island on the 15th of September, when a few more than eight hundred Americans, attacking three companies of light troops, supported by two regiments, the one Scotch, the other Hessian, drove them from hill to hill, back to your lines, and carried off three pieces of brass cannon as trophies of their victory. And when General Washington, on the second of October, caused a large detachment to draw up to Harlaem plains, to cover the inhabitants between the two armies, while they carried off their effects, the march and continuance of the British troops in order of battle, within long shot, without tiring a gun to interrupt the service, is at least some slight degree of evidence, that they respect and stand in awe of the American arms. In short, without being unreasonable, I think I may be allowed to say, that these particulars do not show, that our cause is so precarious as your Excellencies would insinuate it to be; and to recommend that your Excellencies " reflect seriously upon your present condition," and abandon "the unjust cause in which you are engaged," while you yet may preserve your reputation from the reproaches of posterity.
Your Excellencies call upon the inhabitants at large "to return to their allegiance." It is as if you had commanded a body of troops to advance to the assault, before you had put them in order of battle. I tell your Excellencies, that protection must precede allegiance; for the latter is founded on the benefit of the former. That the operations of the forces by sea and land, under your orders, demonstrate that your king is not our protector. And, that the allegiance of America to the king of Great Britain is now utterly out of the question.
But you attempt to allure the inhabitants, by telling them they may "be secured in a free enjoyment of their liberties and properties, upon the true principles of the Constitution." Will your Excellencies tell us where those principles are to be found? You must say they are not to be found in the present British government. Do we not know that the majority of the two houses of Parliament are absolutely under the king of Great Britain's direction? They make and repeal laws; they agree with or reject motions; they vote money even without limitation of sum, at the pleasure of that king's minister, in whose pay they actually are; and your Excellencies, as men of honor, dare not deny these things. Will you then say, that, where there is such a dependence, the true principles of the Constitution operate! The history of the present reign, all Europe would witness against you. Those principles have been long despised by the rulers, and lost to the people; otherwise, even at the commencement of the present reign, we should not have seen the dismission of the virtuous chancellor of the exchequer, Legge, because he would not quit his seat in Parliament at the instigation of the last Prince of Wales ; nor the massacre in St. George's fields, and the royal thanks to the assassins; nor the repeated and unredressed complaints to the throne; nor the unheard of profusion of the public treasure, far exceeding the extravagance of a Caligula, or a Nero; nor the present ruinous situation of Great Britain nor the present war in America, for the worst of pur-
