vre, to utilize the conflict (even though temporary) of interests between one's enemies; to refuse co-operation and compromise with possible (even though transient, unstable, vacillating, and conditional) allies—is not this an infinitely laughable thing? Is it not as though in the difficult ascent of an unexplored and heretofore inaccessible mountain, we were to renounce beforehand the idea that we might have to go sometimes in zig-zags, sometimes retracing our steps, sometimes giving up the course once selected and trying various others?" One certainly is justified in using every strategy in fighting the class war both against the capitalist class itself and its henchmen within our ranks. We will find it increasingly necessary to manœuvre and "stall" as the class-struggle grows more acute. This tactic is justified by necessity. "To bind one's hands beforehand, openly to tell the enemy, who is now better armed than we are, whether or not we shall fight him, is stupidity and not revolutionism. To accept battle when this is obviously profitable to the enemy, and not to oneself, is a crime; and those politicians of the revolutionary class who are unable to 'manœuvre, temporize, compromise,' in order to evade an obviously unprofitable battle, are good for nothing."
One must not lose sight of the fact that the position that Lenin lays down is for a movement that is well organized, disciplined and understands what it wants. A too literal application of these tactics to America may cause us a lot of trouble in the future, and we must study the conditions carefully. A well organized and disciplined organization is lacking in America and it will be some time before one is built up that will function. In the meantime a generous discussion of this work should help the organization of such a movement and speed the day of the Dictatorship of the Proletariat in America.
D. E. B.
