persuasion that these events have really happened in the reign of the best of princes. Let us consider them as nothing more than the materials of a fable, in which we may conceive the sovereign of some other country to be concerned. I mean to violate all the laws of probability, when I suppose that this imaginary King, after having voluntarily disgraced himself in the eyes of his subjects, might return to a sense of his dishonour;—that he might perceive the snare laid for him by his ministers, and feel a spark of shame kindling in his breast.—The part he must then be obliged to act, would overwhelm him with confusion. To his parliament he must say, I called you together to receive your advice, and have never asked your opinion.—To the merchant, I have distressed your commerce; I have dragged your seamen out of your ships, I have loaded you with a grievous weight of insurances.—To the landholder,—I told you war was too probable, when I was determined to submit to any terms of accommodation; I extorted new taxes from you before it was possible they could be wanted, and am now unable to account for the application of them.—To the public creditor,—I have delivered up your fortunes a prey to foreigners, and to the vilest of your fellow subjects.
