the House. He cannot have meant anything like the use of official power and opportunities for private pecuniary advantage, for in this respect Clay's character was and remained above reproach. No species of corruption stained his name. Neither could Clay be justly charged with a sectional spirit. His feelings were, on the contrary, as largely and thoroughly national as those of any statesman of his time. Although he had at first spoken the language of the slave-holder in the Missouri debate, it could certainly not be said that he was willing to “sacrifice all interests to those of the slave-holders.” He would have stood by the Union against them at all hazards, and his tariff and internal improvement policy soon became obnoxious to them. But, barring these points, Adams's judgment was not far astray. In the course of this narration we shall find more opinions of Adams on Clay, expressed at a time when the two men had learned to understand each other better.
When Clay left Washington, his professional prospects were very promising. The Bank of the United States engaged him, upon liberal terms, as its standing counsel in Ohio and Kentucky. He expected his practice to retrieve his fortunes in three or four years, and to enable him then to return to the service of the country.
