gle the tariff bill passed the House by a majority of five, and after being slightly amended was also passed in the Senate by a majority of four. The vote in the House was significant in its geographical distribution. It was thus classed by Niles: The “navigating and fishing states” of New England — Massachusetts, New Hampshire, and Maine — gave twenty-two votes against and only three for the bill. Of the “manufacturing states,” Rhode Island and Connecticut, seven votes went for and one against it. Of the “grain-growing states,” Vermont, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Kentucky, Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, and Missouri, ninety-two votes were given for and nine against it. The “tobacco-planting and grain-growing state” of Maryland gave six against and three for it. The “cotton and grain growing state,” Tennessee, gave seven against and two for it. The “tobacco and cotton planting states,” Virginia. North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, Mississippi and Alabama, threw fifty-four votes against and one for it. All the three votes of the “sugar and cotton planting state,” Louisiana, went against it. Since the time when Calhoun had eloquently argued for the fostering of manufacturing industries and internal improvements, a significant change had taken place in the current of Southern sentiment. The planting interest, most closely identified with slavery, began to present an almost solid front not only against the tariff, but against everything not in harmony with its system of labor.
