for himself by removing his enemies, and distributing the offices of the government among his political friends. This is a mistake. The civil service reformer of our days would say that President Adams did not act wisely, nor according to correct principles, in permitting public servants to take part in the warfare of political parties with as little restraint as if they had been private citizens; for whenever public officers do so, their official power and opportunities are almost always taken advantage of for the benefit of the party, endangering the freedom of elections as well as the integrity of the service. But this is a conclusion formed in our time, when the abuses growing out of a partisan service have fully developed themselves and demand a remedy, which was not then the case. Adams simply followed the traditions of the first administrations. Had he silenced his enemies together with his friends in office, it would have benefited him in the canvass very little. Neither could the use of patronage as a weapon in the struggle have saved him, had he been capable of resorting to it. Patronage so used is always demoralizing, but it can have decisive effect only in quiet times, while the popular mind is languid and indifferent. When there are strong currents of popular feeling and the passions are aroused, a shrewd management of patronage, although it may indeed control the nomination of candidates by packing conventions, will not decide elections. In 1828 there were such elementary forces to encoun-
