the purpose of subsequent distribution among the several states.” To collect revenue “from one portion of the people and give it to another” he pronounced unjust. If the revenue were to be distributed for use by the states in their public expenditure, he knew of no principle in the Constitution “that authorized the federal government to become such a collector for the states, nor of any principle of safety or propriety which admitted of the states becoming such recipients of gratuity from the general government.” He thought, however, that the proceeds of the sales of public lands should be devoted to internal improvements. He called free trade the “British colonial system” in contradistinction to the protective “American system,” two names which themselves did the duty of arguments. He contrasted the effects of the two systems, using as an illustration the seven years of distress preceding, and the seven years of prosperity following, the enactment of the tariff of 1824, — which drew from Southern Senators the answer that the picture of prosperity fitted the North, but by no means the South. He discussed the effect of the tariff on the South in a kindlier tone than that in which he had spoken in the meeting of his friends, but he denounced in strong terms the threats of nullification and disunion. He said:
“The great principle, which lies at the foundation of all free government, is that the majority must govern, from which there can be no appeal but the sword. That majority ought to govern wisely, equitably, moderately,
