into disaster and distress. Clay urged with especial warmth a proposition, which thenceforward formed part of his political programme, — that the veto power, “though tolerated by the Constitution, was not expected by the Convention to be used in ordinary cases;” that it was designed for “instances of precipitate legislation in unguarded moments;” that the principle upon which it rested was “hardly reconcilable with the genius of representative government,” and, indeed, “totally irreconcilable with it, if it was to be frequently employed in respect to the expediency of measures as well as their constitutionality.”
Nothing could have been more characteristic and significant than the manner in which Jackson's spokesman, Benton, defended the veto and raised the war-cry against the opposition. “The bank is in the field as a combatant,” he said, “and a fearful and tremendous one, in the presidential election. If she succeeds, there is an end of American liberty, — an end of the Republic.” He described how the bank, by increasing and by withdrawing its loans and accommodations, sought alternately to bribe and to coerce the people to support it. Then he whipped the Democrats into line, exclaiming: —
“You may continue to be for a bank and for Jackson, but you cannot be for this bank and for Jackson. The bank is now the open, as it has long been the secret, enemy of Jackson. The war is now upon Jackson, and if he is defeated all the rest will fall an easy prey.
