these spontaneous concessions in her favor, made on the floor of the Senate of the United States.” He then went into an elaborate historical examination of the question, giving evidence of much research, and set forth with great clearness and force of statement. The case he made out for the American claim was indeed plausible. Accepting his patriotic assumptions, his defense of the President's conduct seemed complete. The plea that the Spanish government was sorely pressed and helpless furnished him only an opportunity for holding up his opponents as the sympathizers of kings. “I shall leave the honorable gentleman from Delaware,” he exclaimed, “to mourn over the fortunes of the fallen Charles. I have no commiseration for princes. My sympathies are reserved for the great mass of mankind, and I own that the people of Spain have them most sincerely.” But he had a still sharper arrow in his quiver. Mr. Horsey had been so unfortunate as to speak of the displeasure which the steps taken by the President might give to Great Britain. Clay turned upon him with an outburst which resounded through the whole country: —
“The gentleman reminds us that Great Britain, the ally of Spain, may be obliged, by her connection with that country, to take part with her against us, and to consider this measure of the President as justifying an appeal to arms. Sir, is the time never to arrive, when we may manage our own affairs without the fear of insulting his Britannic majesty? Is the rod of the
