icans cheering Uncle Sam's troops in France. One never can tell what diplomacy may do next.
One of the needs of Mexico is an efficient railroad system. A curious attempt at a refutation of this asservation of mine I have printed in the appendix of this volume. Here I reaffirm that for seven years practically no repairs have been made on any of the lines—either those owned by the government or those owned abroad and operated by the authorities. In Monterey there are the wrecks of four hundred freight cars, burned by General Villa as a sacrifice to his legions when they made their last march through the city.
A government official has inspected other lines and found four thousand cars that can be repaired; but money, labourers and materials are needed. The first and third can come only from the United States. And it has been explained to the government by private parties that, even if Mexico had the money to purchase engines and car-construction material, it would be three years before they could be delivered, unless—there is always a way to evade contracts—Mexico were an ally of the United States. And in that case every effort would be made to aid her. Allies always have the first call.
Multiply the task that faced Diaz when he was struggling with the conflicting elements of Mexico in 1877 by the increase in population in Mexico, and by the increase in foreign capital invested, and you will have an understanding of what faces
