clamation of independence, and that Masaryk would certainly be satisfied with the reply which, at the same time, was being sent to Austria-Hungary. This reply was handed to the Swedish Legation in Washington for transmission to the Viennese Government.
Meanwhile, we in Paris, knowing that Wilson was about to make public his reply to Austria, were impatiently awaiting the telegram from Washington. At last, on October 20th, at three o’clock in the afternoon, I had a telephone call from Mr. Frazer, Counsellor of the American Embassy, who informed me that the reply had just arrived from Washington, and that at the Ambassador’s instructions he was officially communicating it to me. At the same time he congratulated us on our new success. The afternoon papers on the same day published the text of the reply:
October 18, 1918.
To Minister of Sweden from Department of State.
Sir,
I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your note of seventh instant, in which you transmitted a communication of the Imperial and Royal Government of Austria-Hungary to the President. I am instructed by the President to request you to be good enough, through your Government, to convey to the Austro-Hungarian Government the following reply:
“The President deems it his duty to say to the Austro-Hungarian Government that he cannot entertain the present suggestions of that Government because of certain events of utmost importance which, occurring since the delivery of his address of January 8th last, have necessarily altered the attitude and responsibility of the Government of the United States of America. Among the fourteen terms of peace which the President formulated at that time occurred the following: ‘The peoples of Austria-Hungary, whose place among the nations we wish to see safeguarded and assured, should be accorded the freest opportunity of autonomous development.’ Since that sentence was written and uttered to the Congress of the United States, the Government of the United States has recognized a state of belligerency exists between the Czechoslovaks and the German and Austro-Hungarian Empires, and that the Czechoslovak National Councilis a de facto belligerent Government, clothed with proper authority to direct the military and political affairs of the Czechoslovaks. It has also recognized in the fullest measure the justice of the nationalistic aspirations of the Yugoslavs for freedom.
The President is therefore no longer at liberty to accept a mere