"M. de Metternich," says Taine, "by way of a political summing up, expresses the following general opinion: 'It is remarkable that Napoleon, who is constantly disturbing and modifying the relations of all Europe, has not yet taken a single step towards ensuring the maintenance of his successors.'"
As time went on this opinion of Metternich is confirmed, and gradually it spreads to Napoleon's entourage.
The diplomat adds, in 1809: "His death will be the signal for a new and frightful upheaval; so many divided elements all tend to combine. Deposed sovereigns will be recalled by whilom subjects; new princes will have new crowns to defend. A veritable civil war will rage for half a century over the vast Empire of the Continent of Europe."
In 1811, "Everybody is convinced that on the disappearance of Napoleon, the master in whose hands all power is concentrated, the first inevitable consequence will be a revolution," At home in France, at this same date, his own subjects begin to comprehend that his dominion is merely temporary, that the Empire is ephemeral and will not last during his life; for he is constantly raising his edifice higher and higher, while all that his building gains in elevation it loses in stability. 'The Emperor is crazy,' said Decres to Marmont, 'com-
