movement which was not supported by foreign intervention, could not ultimately succeed. Prince Gortschakoff, who seems to have acted throughout with considerable moderation and forbearance, had appointed a delegation of twenty-four citizens of Warsaw, eight of whom were to sit at the Town Hall, alternately, for the purpose of maintaining the public tranquillity. True it is, that the telegram concluded with the following ominous words, “The garrison at Warsaw is being nightly increased by other troops.” It is, however, better that it should be so, if nothing is to be expected from insurrection. Better is it that such a force should be concentrated on the spot, as should extinguish all hope, than that a movement should be taken in hand in which thousands would be compromised without any hope of a beneficial result.
In the Italian peninsula matters are in a far more promising condition than they were ten days ago. If we may trust at all to the signs of the times, the days of the Papacy—as a temporal power—are numbered. The Pope—or rather his advisers—will listen to no compromise, and there certainly does appear a probability that the French garrison may be withdrawn ere long. The French Chambers have declared their opinion strongly enough—and the efforts made in the other direction by the Ultramontane party have rather betrayed the weakness of the Pope’s French adherents than aided his cause. The project for reviving and giving fresh force to the liberties of the Gallican Church is again freely discussed. The speech delivered the other day by the cousin of the French Emperor may not unreasonably be accepted in the main as the embodiment of Louis Napoleon’s own views. We find the offer now made has dwindled down to the proportions of the city on the right bank of the Tiber. Even this proposal will soon be contracted to the dimensions of an offer of a house and garden, unless Cardinal Antonelli should make up his mind that the day for the rejection of compromise is past. Louis Napoleon is still obviously feeling his way. He has not yet quite made up his mind to set his Ultramontane Priesthood, and the ignorant peasants whom they lead, at defiance; but his progress is all in that direction. He might well take a leaf out of the book of the English Premier. To be sure, Lord Palmerston has not so large a stake upon the board as Louis Napoleon, but he is an old man—a very old man, and no doubt he wishes to die First Minister of England. Now, the stability of his ministry is most seriously compromised by the policy which he and his colleagues have pursued upon the Italian question. The Irish Roman Catholics have determined at all hazards to drive him from office on account of the support which he has afforded to the enemies of the Papacy. They are within an ace of success; for it was but a week ago that the present administration were beaten upon a division in a tolerably full House, and only escaped a second defeat upon the same night by giving up the point in dispute. Lord Palmerston does not suffer himself to be diverted one whit from his settled purpose by this formidable opposition. Whatever his personal ambition may be, he appears to see clearly enough that it is better for him to lose power as the great supporter of the cause of Italian independence, than to retain it as the partizan of the Papacy. The Italian question will ultimately cause the destruction of his administration; and yet by a strange anomaly it is the very reason why he is maintained in office for a time. Whilst the French garrison remains at Rome—whilst the future fortune of Italy still remains undecided—the country would not bear to see power transferred from his hands to those of any other statesman. As soon as it is settled, there is no reason why the ordinary laws of Parliamentary life in this country should not recover their force, and why a political party—so grievously divided against itself as is the Liberal party at the present moment—should not make way for its opponents. The Liberals can only recover strength in opposition. Lord John Russell has given up the question of Reform, and as soon as the affairs of Italy are settled, Lord Palmerston’s administration will in all probability be dissolved. All depends, however, upon the turn events may take in Europe during the next few weeks. Should events pass off quietly, it seems probable enough that with the discussion upon the Budget we may see a change of administration. When they are once out of power, the Liberals in their turn will begin to look to the registration with greater assiduity. Grievances which seemed intolerable when the party was in power will be salved over in opposition. The Conservatives in their turn will make blunders, and in due course their rivals, refreshed by adversity, will return to power.
The Italian discussion of Last Week in the English House of Commons was especially marked by the eloquent speech of the Chancellor of the Exchequer. Mr. Gladstone has justly enough earned for himself the reputation of a brilliant orator, but he never speaks half as well as upon Italian affairs. Upon these his feelings are strangely interested,—he has travelled much in Italy,—he has long lived on terms of personal intimacy with the most eminent Italians of the age,—he has visited the dungeons in which the victims of the King of Naples suffered such long and such grievous torture—and when he is speaking of Italy he forgets all those tricks of oratory, and all those hair-splitting distinctions amidst which, upon other occasions, his mind seems to revel.
So many men were associated here—so many others were screwed up in miserable dungeons there, by the orders of the various Italian rulers, because they had expressed, or were suspected of liberal opinions. Mr. Gladstone seems to have the Newgate Calendar of Italy, for the last thirty years, in his mind, and when he once begins upon the subject his memory is inexhaustible. The discussion of Thursday night, in which the British Ultramontanes had taken so prominent a part was—as Mr. Samuel Pepys would have expressed—it, “mightily refreshed” by this plain and earnest speech of Mr. Gladstone. He swept away, with a few broad statements, all the assertions and quibbles of the speakers who had preceded him in the Debate, and rendered the position of those who were to follow him untenable.