prise worthy of a better cause, Lady Verney looked up these victims and has given the world an account of her interview. But from the days of Mill to Le Play every European economist knew of the existence of those creatures of legislation 'les enclaves de petite dimension.' In Normandy this indefinite sub-division brought about the most disastrous effects, and a district known as 'pays de Cana,' was completely transformed by reason of the working out of that pernicious principle of parcelling. But all these ill effects are owing to a law which could easily be repealed or amended, and all these instances of so called failure of peasant proprietary, are not at all justly and fairly due to the principle. Every human policy is capable of abuse, and the most perfect of human institutions, if allowed to indulge itself in excesses, will undoubtedly fail. It was so in northern France, and would be so in every country where such a law as that of le partage forcé or indefinite sub-division exists.
My remarks must now be brought to a close, as I fear I have already outrun the reasonable limits allowed me. It were impossible, therefore, under such exacting space conditions to go into the general question of the suitability of such a system of ownership to Ireland, and of the great crying want felt in our midst for some such agrarian settlement as will transfer to the tillers, of the soil that interest in it which will alone serve to make them contented and their country prosperous. To my mind, and it is the settled conviction of years, the only solution of the economic problem presented by the existing state of affairs here to-day, lies in the establishment of a peasant proprietary. In this regard I cannot better conclude than by quoting the memorable words of the two leading politicians of the present moment. Some years ago Lord Salisbury, with that clear foresight into things he often displays but rarely follows up in action, declared that 'to establish peace and
