Appleton, of New York, wrote to the London Times that he did not think the American people were opposed to a copyright which had no other object than to secure the recognition of the rights of property of foreign authors in American editions of their works. He said that such a copyright had never been asked for by England, but only an arrangement to protect English printed books, by which the foreign manufacturer could get protection on his stock of paper, printing, and binding, in the American market under cover of his authors' copyright. The publisher's share in the production of a—book in materials and labor, which have a cash value in the market—may be assumed as at least ten times greater than the share contributed by the author, and which is represented by his customary ten per cent. royalty. Such international copyright laws as have been demanded are, therefore, ten times more for the protection of foreign book-manufacturers than for foreign authors. "Disentangle your author from the publisher," said Mr. Appleton, "and let him present his own claims, and my opinion is the American people will not deny them." The fairness of this position was acknowledged by the English press, but the English publishers were silent. The English authors, on the other hand, or a large proportion of the most influential of them, conceded the justice of the case, and drew up a memorial asking for negotiations on the new basis.
This stirring up of the subject led to some efforts on this side, to carry out the fundamental idea which Mr. Appleton had presented, and which had been previously urged in this country. There was at first but very little objection to the plan, and there was a general expression of favorable feeling toward an adjustment on the basis proposed. But opposition was quickly and vigorously developed, because the parties interested in the frustration of the measure were few and powerful, deeply concerned, and able to concentrate a prompt and efficient opposition. This fact we think was not sufficiently calculated upon, and the practical issue was brought before Congress prematurely, in the shape of a bill embodying a copyright in behalf of foreign authors. More time should have been allowed, and systematic measures adopted to sift the question thoroughly before the American people. We had a society organized for the promotion of international copyright, but it was committed to the old plan, and threw the weight of its influence against the new measure.
In this unfavorable state of things, when the opportunity had been adroitly seized by the tacticians opposed to copyright to confuse and befog the public mind by proposing all sorts of projects, a congressional committee was appointed, who called a meeting on February 12, 1872, for the hearing of all parties interested. We attended it, and it was certainly a very funny affair. We had not been accustomed to the atmosphere of Washington, and were, therefore, but poorly prepared for the sarcastic intimations of parties who lived there, as to the greenness of the gentlemen who came to the national Capitol expecting to interest Congress on such a question as this in a presidential year. The subject was discussed by various speakers, and in his account of it Dr. Appleton says, "Prof. Youmans followed, urging the claims of British authors upon the singular ground that they were very badly paid in their own country, and desired American sympathy." This is a total mistake; we argued the question on no such grounds, and offered no hint of any such reason why international copyright should be secured.
We demanded it of Congress solely as a measure of justice, and there was need enough that this view of the case should be urged; for the discussion before the committee was in the last de-
