when "the principle of piracy has been abandoned, and the black flag of literature hauled down." But in a second article the view taken is less favorable. It sees numerous difficulties, and thinks "there is very little use in discussing these farcical proposals which the publishers of the transatlantic cities have elaborated." It thinks the proposition to throw open the power of publishing books to everybody, subject to the obligation of paying a royalty to the author to be fixed by law, is "not yet sufficiently discussed." And so, on the whole, it concludes that we had better postpone the subject, and wait for something more satisfactory.
The "Times," however, is disingenuous in characterizing the plan suggested by Messrs. Harper as elaborated by the publishers of transatlantic cities. That house speaks only for itself, and does not undertake to represent other American publishers. Both the proviso that the publisher shall be an American citizen, and the time-limit assigned for reprinting, will be held by others as not essential to the American position, and as open to modification in settling the details of an international arrangement.
We speak of the "American position," and are fairly justified in doing so, for there is now wide and decisive agreement that foreign books copyrighted in this country, must be manufactured in this country. In granting the copyright to English authors, and placing them upon the same footing as our own, we yield all the rights of the case that can be demanded in the name of justice. Every nation that grants copyrights even to its own authors, qualifies and limits them by considerations of public expediency, it being assumed that the community has duties to itself as well as to authors. This country would therefore be vindicated by universal precedents in giving the new arrangements such a form that they will not be injurious to important American interests. The requirement that foreign books copyrighted in this country shall be printed in this country is dictated by the first law of nature—the principle of self-preservation. Any international copyright that did not enforce this condition would be destructive to an extensive and valuable domestic industry, and would put the American book-market at once and completely under the control of foreign publishers, thousands of miles away from us. Under a state of things which, although it may not have been just, has nevertheless been legal, the publishing interest in the United States has grown into extensive proportions. We have numerous manufacturing establishments of all kinds for every branch of the business. We have heavy investments in paper manufactories, printing-houses, binderies, and shops for making all the necessary machinery, and we have multitudes of trained mechanics to carry on the required operations.
Whether all this capital shall be sunk, and all this industry paralyzed, and a reading people shall cease to supply itself with books in accordance with its own tastes and preferences, depends upon the form of copyright adopted, if that measure is to be carried out. And when it is remembered that the foreign publisher has no claims upon us whatever, and that we discharge all our obligations in protecting the property rights of the foreign author, it is obvious that every consideration of national expediency dictates that we should take care of our own interests in this matter.
It is usual to represent the policy here maintained as inspired by the greed of mercenary and monopolizing American publishers. It is no such thing. It is life or death to the whole business. To yield the point is to transfer the American book-trade almost bodily to England. In requiring copyrighted books to be printed here, the American publisher only stipulates for
