not in itself a benefit. These are but means to an end; and the end is the maintenance of those conditions under which each citizen may carry on his life without further hindrances from other citizens than are involved by their equal claims—the securing to each citizen all such beneficial results of his activities as his activities naturally bring. The worth of the means is measured by the degree in which this end is achieved; and a citizen nominally having complete means, and but partially securing the end, is less free than another who uses incomplete means to more purpose.
But why go abroad for proofs of the truth that political forms are of worth only in proportion as they are vitalized by national character? "We have proofs at home. I do not mean those furnished by past constitutional history—I do not merely refer to those many facts showing us that the nominal power of our representative body became an actual power only by degrees; and that the theoretically independent House of Commons took centuries to escape from regal and aristocratic sway, and establish a practical independence. I refer to the present time, and to actions of our representative body in the plenitude of its power. This assembly of deputies chosen by constituencies now so greatly extended, and therefore so well fitted, as it would seem, for guarding the individual, of whatever grade, against trespasses upon his individuality, nevertheless authorizes new trespasses upon his individuality. A popular government, just made more popular, has established, without the slightest hindrance, a law and an official organization that treat with contempt the essential principles of constitutional rule. Here is a brief account of the process:
On the 20th June, 1864, just before two o'clock in the morning, there was silently read a first time an act giving, in some localities, certain new powers to the police. On the 27th of that month, it was read a second time, also without comment—at what hour Hansard does not show. Just before two o'clock in the morning, on June 30th, there was appointed, without remark, a select committee to consider this proposed act. On the 15th July the report of this committee was received. On the 19th the bill was recommitted, and the report on it received—all in silence. On the 20th July it was considered—still in silence—as amended. And, on the 21st July, it was read a third time and passed—equally in silence. Taken next day to the House of Lords, it there, in silence equally profound, passed through all its stages in four days (? three). This act not proving strong enough to meet the views of naval and military officers (who, according to the testimony of one of the select committee, were the prompters of it), was in 1866 "amended." At one o'clock in the morning, on March 16th of that year, the act amending it was read a first time; and it was read a second time on the 22d, when the Secretary of the Admiralty, describing it as an act to secure the better health of soldiers and sailors, said: "It was intended to renew an act passed in 1864, with ad-
