conservative is a set-back and a hindrance to the attainment of the liberal's greatest ends; and so on, throughout human affairs, is there a check—beneficial in its regulative influence, but still a check—to progress.
Now, what are these substitutions of science, in our knowledge of men and things, for a relative ignorance? Of the newer and better for the old and worn-out in political institutions? Of the new art and literature of broader life for that which stood for simpler feelings and ideas? Of the future of all things human for their past? They are simply the details of the one all including change by which the social organism is passing from "militancy" into "industrialism," That change in which the life of destructive violence, inherited from the brute creation, is giving place to the life of productive labor we call civilization. And, if what is true of these details is true, as it must be, of their collective sum, then the evolution of "industrialism" is constantly suffering retardation from the persistence of established "militancy."
This is the generalization at which we aimed. Commercial depression is due to the retardation of industrial growth produced by the survival of militant organization.
There is but one test for the validity of all theories, and that is their application to the facts of which they treat. To fulfill this test in the case before us, let us turn our attention to Europe, whence the cry of commercial depression has for some years been exceptionally acute.
We find there an armed camp of nations in constant readiness for war; the fruits of the tireless labors of the people drawn off for the nourishment and support of ever-increasing military organization, so that every year turns what should be the reward of growing wealth into accumulating public debt; militancy in the prepondering forms of government; militancy in international relations, successful militancy the ruling ambition at the sacrifice of all industrial aims! But, bear in mind, it is no longer militancy in its prime—like that of Macedonia or Rome. It is modern militancy, riddled through and rotted at the core by civilization. Not one of the great nations, wasting its substance in the costly armament of war, can ever get a return on the fatal investment. The day for enslaving neighboring states and living on the fruits of battle is past. Every costly struggle of the century has left the combatants poorer and retarded their growth. Where are the fruits, to the prosperity of France, of Napoleon's fabulous conquests? to England, of the Crimean war? to Germany, of the war of 1870? to Russia, of her struggle with the Turk? Not one of the parties to these wars has fattened on the spoils of the enemy, and all have been joint losers
