world to confer a degree upon a woman. The higher education of females was undertaken at an early date in Georgia, and the Georgia Female Institute, opened in 1839, is believed to have preceded both Oberlin and Mount Holyoke in granting degrees to women. Of late years there has been a marked improvement in the number and character of educational institutions of all sorts in the South, but the most significant change is in the number of technological schools, scarcely one of which was in existence twenty years ago. Prof. Dabney quotes the reports of the United States Bureau of Education for 1888 and 1889, which show that there were at that time "a total of twenty-eight schools, or departments of schools, giving regular instruction in science and technology, an average of over two for each State." If the list of patents taken out by residents of the different States for the past century shows that the South has been considerably behind in the race, the more recent statistics are suggestive of a different result in the near future. The following figures give the number of patents granted residents of the Southern States for the years named: 1860, 667; 1870, 1,469; 1880, 2,656; 1885, 1,633; 1890, 3,159.
If it be asked what in the future will be the effect of negro labor and the race problem on the South, the answer is that there will be no negro labor and no race problem, for the very good reason that there will be no negro there. This will doubtless strike the average reader as a bold and perhaps absurd prediction, but every circumstance points to its fulfillment. The idea is by no means new, and Jefferson, probably the profoundest political philosopher of his country, a strong opponent of slavery, and it should be added a resident of a slaveholding State, and whose knowledge of the institution was actual, not theoretical, long ago gave this as his opinion. He asserted that nothing was more certainly written in the book of fate than that the negro was to be free, and he added that it was equally certain that when free the two races would not continue to live side by side. This was also the view of Calhoun, who, while unlike Jefferson a proslavery man, held his opinion as regards the impossibility of the two races continuing together after emancipation. The industrial conditions of the South at present point clearly to the realization of these prophecies at a period not far distant. We hear and talk much of the conflict between capital and labor. We forget that the real conflict is not between capital and labor, but between labor and labor. No race has ever stood in the way of the Anglo-Saxon in his onward march, and it is not probable that the negro race, among the lowest in the scale of civilization, is to be the sole exception to that rule. As the poor white of the South, re-enforced by the laborer from the North, enters more and more into the field as a competitor with the negro, the latter will meet
