sure, there is something better than any liberty in an unquestioning submission to a higher guidance; greater than being our own master is unshaken loyalty to God as our master. Yet in practise, all attempts that have been made to find a ruler of a state, whose government could be in like manner better and greater than free citizens, government of themselves, have proved failures, and personal liberty remains a natural right—not because "the voice of the people is the voice of God," but only because of the imperfection of every accessible substitute. Perfect wisdom, we may readily admit, would easily guide us to purchase more wisely, and make a better selection of persons to purchase from, than is possible to our free choice; but it is absurd to look to the authors of tariff laws for such perfect wisdom, and our natural right remains. The country's defense occasionally calls upon its citizens for sacrifices of personal liberty, and may call sometimes for sacrifices of the liberty of purchase as well as other liberty. But to make the rare occasions when sacrifices are needed for defense an excsue for a perpetual infringement of this natural right—liberty of purchase—is preposterous. To maintain an oppressive tariff for such a purpose would be ridiculous, if it were not tyrannical. The only difference between this liberty and other liberty—an adventitious and not essential difference—is the facility with which the argument from patriotism may be applied against it. Yet in every such application we must see a confusion of thought, or exhibition of ignorance, unless we leave out of view the necessary reciprocity of international trade. Imported merchandise must about equal exported merchandise in value, unless there is an exceptional demand for specie in the country trading, or in some country trading with it, or unless the payment is made in service instead of merchandise in value, unless there is an exceptional demand for specie in the country trading, or in some country trading with it, or unless the payment is made in service instead of merchandise. The British, for example, always import a large excess of merchandise because they have a large credit balance abroad, from their services in ocean carriage, yielding five hundred millions annually, and even more from interest on foreign loans. Our own country, on the other hand, having "protected" its ocean merchant-marine to death, must export an excess of merchandise to pay for carriage both ways, and must also pay a heavy interest bill to foreign investors. The important point is that there is always a practical equality which our import taxation system can not disturb. Hence it follows that the so-called encouragement to foreign labor and enterprise in buying an article made abroad, is at the same time an equal encouragement to labor and enterprise at home required to produce the merchandise that is to go abroad to pay for it. It follows, also, that if we make ourselves, as is alleged, dependent on some foreign country by buying from it something that may be needed by us in warfare, we make some foreign country dependent
