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own recent conduct and experience fully shew. To colonise Louisiana would probably soon produce this effect; to extend the confederacy as far as to the limits of Mexico would probably produce a dissolution of the Union, and eventually change the type and character of our government. In proportion as we advance towards Mexico, we shall view its golden mines with the same cupidity that the Spaniards first beheld them; and this will no doubt lead to the nefarious project of conquering the Spanish dominions, first on this side, and then beyond the streights of Darien. To thousands among us such a project might even now appear as desirable as the original conquest of those countries did to the Spaniards. But, when we are willing to exchange our present constitutions and government, and our present enviable state of liberty, with all its attendant blessings, for the riches and the wretchedness of Spain, we shall deserve all the miseries which such an achievement would entail upon us, and our posterity, forever.
But, if these dissuasives, powerful as they appear to my mind, be not sufficient to deter us from opening a land office in Louisiana, let us view the subject in another light. The terms upon which those lands must be granted must be comparatively high, or low. If high, those who are disposed to purchase lands will prefer them on this side of the Mississippi, and will consequently not purchase there; if low, the lands which the United States now have for sale will remain unsold. Thus no advantage, either way, can possibly result from the measure.—If the lands be sold in large tracts they may be acquired and held by persons who do not owe allegiance to the United States,—or, the foundations of future principalities may be laid by successful speculators. If in small parcels laid out into townships (as the lands north-west of the Ohio) it will only serve to allure those to settle beyond the limits of the United States, who would settle within them, if the temptation be with-held. Thus in no
