precedents, when, in times past we have urged them to some act which seemed likely to jeopard party. Then Sir Oracle was never more sententious, more full of ‘wise saws and modern instances,’ than they. The inch they were willing to move ahead was hardly visible to the naked eye. How they lectured us on the ‘too fast’ and ‘too far’ policy! Now in an emergency which calls for the most delicate handling, they tear up not one admitted abuse, but include in the grasp half a dozen obstinate prejudices, which no logic of events has loosened. For the first time in our lives we beseech them to be a little more politicians—and a little less reformers—as those functions are usually understood.”
Under the date of March 18, 1869, I received from Mr. Phillips a letter in acknowledgment of my letter of thanks and commendation, in these words:
“Dear Sir:—
“Thank you for the intimation in your letter. I am glad
if any words of mine helped get rid of the too prompt action
at that time. I think it was of the greatest importance to act
at once.”
The public mind seems to be misled in regard to the scope and legal value of the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments. The amendments were in the nature of grants of power to the National Government, and in a corresponding degree they were limitations of the powers of the States, but the grants of power to the nation were also subject to limitations. Until the ratification of the amendments the States had full power to extend the right of suffrage, or to restrict its enjoyment with the freedom that they possessed when the Treaty of Peace of 1783 had been signed, and when the Constitution had not been framed and ratified.
All limitations of the right of suffrage by male inhabitants
