as to justify the opinion, if not to warrant the conclusion that the State-Rights doctrines had been considered and abandoned. In two plans of a constitution, one submitted by Mr. Randolph, and one by Mr. Charles Pinckney, and in the original draft of the Constitution as reported by Mr. Rutledge, the source of authority was laid in the respective States, which were named. This form was adhered to in the Rutledge report, which was made August 6, 1787. On the 12th of September the Committee on Style reported the Preamble which opens thus: “We the people of the United States, etc.” This change seems not to have been known to Mr. Webster, nor have I noticed a reference to it in any of the speeches that were made in the period of the active controversy on the doctrine of State Rights.
Mr. Stephens was a clear-headed and uncompromising expositor and defender of the doctrine of State Rights as that doctrine was accepted by General Lee and by the inhabitants generally of the slave States.
Mr. Stephens did not disguise his opinions: “When the State seceded against my judgment and vote, I thought my ultimate allegiance was due to her, and I prepared to cast my fortunes and destinies with hers and her people rather than take any other course, even though it might lead to my sacrifice and her ruin.”
When he was asked for his reason for accepting the office of vice-president in the Confederacy, he said: “My sole object was to do all the good I could in preserving and perpetuating the principles of liberty as established under the Constitution of the United States.” Mr. Stephens advanced to his position by conclusively logical processes. Standing upon the ground of Mr. Lincoln and the Republican Party, he assumed that, inasmuch as the States in rebellion had never been out of the Union, they had had the opportunity at all times during the war of withdrawing from the contest and
