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diers, instead of the delegates of the Army Soviets! Just as though their general had just presented himself to them as their leader, instead of a man, whom the ovation of half the assembly stamped as their implacable enemy!
The counter-demonstration, however, was not long in forthcoming. After ringing the bell, Kerensky calling upon Korniloff to speak, referred to the latter as „first soldier“ of the Provisional Government. At this moment, an ovation, no less formidable than its predecessor burst out in honour of the leader of the Provisional Government and of some officers, whom the Soldiers, Sailors, and Workers, deputies cheered franticaly,—a counter ovation against the „Generals“, the blind „political instruments“—and not leaders of armies.
For the first time, I had presented before me a picture of a Russia, divided into two enemy camps, both read to come to blows in bloody conflict, for the supreme benefit of German Imperialism. But on this occasion I also for the first time began to understand instinctively, or more correctly, to feel, that the fatal rupture, that the declaration of war had come from the bourgeoisie itself, this same bourgeoisie which had just given ignominious proof of its impotence, which had wildly persisted in its struggle, both unfruitful and fatal to their country, and, what is more, that the Allied military representatives had applauded it.
My emotion was felt and shared by our Consul-General M. Gabriel Bertrand, who had recently arrived in Russia, but whose heart, which was an essentially human one, could not help but sympathize with the profound aspirations of
