the attention of those, who have sacrificed the whole of their time to the highest offices of the state. Nor am I destitute of other arguments, to justify an institution, which in itself possesses the utmost utility. I am not unconscious that there are some persons, who regard literature and the liberal arts as destitute of utility, as a species of luxury, which, being calculated only for the amusement of an effeminate people, ought to be banished from a manly and martial nation. Yet, what are the rewards to which the valiant aspire, if not to an immortal reputation? What probability is there that the deserving soldier would sacrifice his ease, and endure the invidious slander of his contemporaries, were he not supported by the hope, that an enlightened posterity would render justice to his fame? But how could this expectation be indulged, if no men of genius existed, to deliver down to futurity the eulogy of heroes? And, to an elegant mind, what duty more delightful, what occupation more worthy the leisure of the statesman, than to revive the memory of illustrious patriots? Who can more truly estimate the merit of human actions, and more justly represent them, than they, who, from their infancy, have studied purity of language; or than they, who, from a long acquaintance with the highest offices of state, have gained an intimate knowledge of the art of government?
To honour the memory of great characters, is to exhort their descendants to resemble them; it is to proclaim — Warriors, judges, statesmen, citizens! you who have inherited the names of heroes, or have succeeded to their rank, behold the tribute of gratitude which they receive from posterity, and render yourselves, if possible, worthy of equal honours:
your
