proves their political two-facedness, because their conduct does not correspond with their opinions. If you think that Czarism and Bolshevism are one and the same thing, you should call for the overthrow of Bolshevism. This is logical. But such a call is impossible, because these reformist organizations are full of workers who are instinctively in sympathy with Russia. There was an attempt to help Soviet Russia, even to attempt a boycott against Poland, and there was more or less aid in the time of the famine, all on the background of repudiating the revolution.
The whole reformist labor movement finds itself in this contradiction. Especially clearly did it show itself at the Hamburg Congress of the Second and Second-and-a-Half Internationals. There, as a reporter about the situation in Russia, was the Menshevik, Abramovitch, who abroad in order to "represent in all cases the Russian proletariat."
He drafted such a resolution which even the more extreme reformists like the representatives of the British Labor Party, could not stomach. They were discussing that question for a long time and although Abramovitch fell upon the bosom of his reformist friends with tales concerning all the sufferings the Mensheviks went through in Russia, these ungrateful friends refused to fall upon the Bolsheviks, but instead fell upon Abramovitch. How could this be explained in the reformist Congress? It was because the Bolshevik is a revolutionist who has overthrown the bourgeoisie, and therefore the western European workers cannot understand how could the attitude toward Russia be hostile.
We must remark that in this inability to understand there is a great element of patriotism. A reformist cannot understand how one could out against his "fatherland." A good government or a bad one, but it is my government! Looking from the patriotic standpoint he cannot understand how the Russian "Social Revolutionists" war against Russia. The British, German or French reformists may make a bloc with its "black hundreds," but how can one come to an understanding a foreign foe against his own "fatherland?" This a worker with reformist and patriotic sentiments could not understand.
If we will take all that into consideration we will be able to understand why the Menshevik attempt in Hamburg did not meet with sympathy. The resolution of Abramovitch, although revised a couple of times,could not gain the approval of the majority of the delegates, and especially the British voted against it.
Thus we see that the attitude of the Amsterdam International toward the Revolution was always two-faced. At a time of danger to the revolution the Amsterdam International in its appeal would use revolutionary phases to show that the downfall of the revolution would mean reaction not only on the territory of Russia but all over the world.
