on the ballot, the 1912 result proved the great strength of the Progressive element within the Republican party. As a result of the Progressive victory two years ago, of the internecine fight of the factions in the two old parties and of a perceptible split in the ranks of the new one which is gradually developing radical and moderate wings, the traditional alignment of the parties has broken down more or less and the voters apparently intend to cast their ballots in accord with their opinions of the candidates' fitness instead of trusting to the party label.
The Gubernatorial Battle
Governor Hiram Johnson, seeking reelection, has no opposition on the Progressive ticket. Against him the Democratic field as it was lined up for the primaries developed no formidable opponent. All of the five Democratic aspirants for the nomination lack a wide reputation and acquaintance with the mass of the voters in all parts of the commonwealth, a severe handicap in a state a thousand miles long, abounding in sharp contrasts, political and social, between its southern third and the central portion, Los Angeles and San Francisco typifying these contrasts. Realizing the lack of gubernatorial timber apparently strong enough to beat Gov. Johnson, Democratic leaders endeavored to abduct the strong man of President Wilson's cabinet, Franklin K. Lane, and induce him to make the race in California, but their efforts were unavailing. John B. Curtin, an attorney, Edward White, a rancher, Fred H. Hall, an oil man, S. M. Van Wyck, an attorney, and Charles King are contesting for the Democratic nomination.
Despite the encouraging registration figures, the Republicans likewise found it difficult to induce men of state-wide reputation to make the race against Johnson until John D. Fredericks, the district attorney of Los Angeles county who became a national figure as prosecutor of the McNamaras, after months of meditation entered the fray. Francis V. Keesling, William C. Ralston and Charles M. Belshaw, the other three Republican candidates, have large followings in the central and northern parts of California. Fredericks has not only the well organized support of the Young Republican clubs, but he seems also to have become the magnetic center around which a large part of the ultra-conservative elements, those dissatisfied with Progressive policies in general and with the National Administration's tariff policy in particular, are rallying.
If this line-up prevails, the issue will be clean-cut between Gov. Johnson's Progressive policies and the standpat principles of the old-line Republicans as represented by Fredericks. The Democratic candidate will be hampered, as he must needs be on the defensive during the campaign, must explain away the effect of the tariff to the lemon, walnut, bean, sugarbeet, orange and olive growers, must convince the shippers that the repeal of free tolls was to their benefit. Still, what the Democratic. candidate loses through National issues he may recoup through the labor vote. Union labor is a strong factor in California, even in Los Angeles where it has the votes even if it lacks cohesion and fighting strength. Gov. Johnson, though, has spared and is sparing no effort to add as much of the labor vote as possible to his Progressive strength. The position of Fredericks in the final count will depend almost entirely upon the strength developed by the high protection, conservative wing of the Republican party.
The Battle for Senator Perkins' Toga
Doubt as to the direction in which the big Republican registration cat will jump is adding spice and ginger to the contest for the toga which will be dropped next year by U. S. Senator George C. Perkins. Far more than the gubernatorial race with its numerous local complications the outcome of the Senatorial contest will determine the relative strength of the Progressive party in California and will indicate the degree of approval or disapproval meted out to the Wilson policies by the Californian voters, especially as geographical considerations are eliminated from the fight, southern California possessing a senator of its own in the person of John D. Works.
Congressman Joseph R. Knowland of Alameda, across the bay from San Francisco, and Samuel M. Shortridge of San Francisco, both identified with the regular, old-line element, are contesting for the Republican nomination, with Knowland apparently a favorite. James D. Phelan, former mayor of San Francisco, capitalist and perhaps the foremost exponent of
